Skip to main content

Full text of "Ancient Babylonia"

See other formats



















^ijt of Oil Companies of Soufhern Coli- 
Fornia, Alumni and Faculty of Geology Depart- 
ment and University Library. 


Digitized by tine Internet Arcliive 

in 2007 witli funding from 

IVIicrosoft Corporation 


The Cambridge Manuals of Science and 



Sottbim: FETTER LANE, E.C. 

C. F. CLAY, Manager 

<E5inbar«h : too PRINCES STREET 
Stxlxn: A- ASHER AND CO, 
l^thfKii: F. A. BROCKHAUS 

Htb> fork : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
f ombsB «nJ> CHlrtJttii : MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 

Ai/ rights reserved 

Silver Vase of Entemena 

IVith the exception of the coat of arms at 
the foot, the design on the title page is a 
reproduction of one used by the earttest known 
Cambridge printer, John Siberch, 1 5 2 1 



LEGENDS ...... 1 








QUEST BY OUTIUM . . . .38 




KINGS OP liARSA, UB, BTft . . • .47 





THE KA8SITB DYNAffTY ,..••"*' 



DYNASTY ...••• 1"" 






Imdbz « • 


. 133 
. 134 


Silver Vase of Entemena 


I. Plaque of Ur-Nina . 
II. Stele of Naram-Sin . 

III. Statue of Gudea 

IV. Votive Figure of Warad-Sin 
V. Top of Hammurabi's Stele . 

VI. Kudurru of Melishipak 
VII. Tablet of Nabu-aplu-iddin . 
VIII, Kudurru of Merodach Baladan III 
Map of Babylonia . 











at end of book 

The frontispiece and No. I. are reproduced from Decouvertes 
en C'haldee ; the remainder of the illustrations^ with the exception 
of No. VIII., are from photographs by Messrs Mansell & Co., 
Nos. II. -V. being reproduced from the Encyclopedia Britannica 
(11th Edition). 




The ancient authors, who founded the Science of 
History, whose names remain household words 
amongst us still, such as Herodotus or Xenophon, 
have transmitted to modern times some far-off 
echoes of the fame of Babylonia. Many scattered 
references in classical writers serve to show the 
impression that its wealth and power had made on 
the Greek imagination. Aeschylus and Aristophanes, 
Aristotle and others, will be recalled. After 
Alexander the Great had included it in his con- 
quests, a closer acquaintance with its still marvellous 
remains and magnificent traditions enhanced its 
interest for many writers less generally known : 
Arrian, Ctesias, Pausanias may be named. 

There have been preserved some attempts on the 
part of Greek-writing scribes in Babylonia to trans- 
scribe Babylonian texts into Greek characters ; 

A 1 


doubtless with a view to studying the ancient records 
and rendering them available for Western peoples. 
We know of at least one who carried out this 
design. Berosus, a priest of Bel, in Babylon, wrote 
a History of Babylonia, or Chaldaea, as it was then 
called, in three books, for the Macedonian monarch, 
Antiochus Soter, his patron, about 280 B.C. This 
work is unfortunately lost, but numerous later 
authors quoted extensively from it, such as 
ApoUodorus and others. Eusebius, Josephus, 
Clemens and others have preserved extracts of their 
works. Doubtless, as cuneiform was still written 
in his time, Berosus, having access to much original 
Babylonian hterature, was in a position to know 
many things about the history of his country, which 
we have not yet recovered ; but the process of trans- 
mission and the selection made by later writers 
leave us in some doubt as to his statements and 
more perplexity as to his meaning. 

Before any authentic information was available, 
many attempts were made to collect and harmonise 
such references as had survived. They will be found 
collected in Cory's Ancient Fragments. 

Except as the traditional home of Abraham, " the 
father of the faithful," Babylonia scarcely concerned 
the earher writers of the Old Testament. Indeed, 
until the Fall of Nineveh, it played small part in 
the Jewish national history. The prophets have 


frequent references to it, and after the Fall of 
Jerusalem the home of the exiles naturally became 
of absorbing interest. 

Since the decipherment of the Babylonian 
column of the trilingual inscription of Darius the 
Great on the rocks at Behistun, by Sir H. C. 
Rawlinson, Hincks, and Oppert, the native sources 
have become overwhelmingly more important than 
any others. Of formal or professed history little 
has been recovered, for before Berosus, no 
Babylonian, so far as we know, set out to write 
a history of Babylonia. Of materials for history, 
Babylonia has already yielded to the excavator such 
an amount as to be almost unmanageable. This 
short sketch can only be regarded as an attempt 
to summarise, without argument or discussion, the 
results now generally admitted as probable. 

The Babylonian monarchs were intensely proud 
of the buildings which their piety led them to 
dedicate to the worship of their gods. They in- 
variably left foundation records ensconced in 
niches, or coffers, built into cavities in the brick- 
work, at the comers, or in the floors of temples or 
their annexes. These records have proved invalu- 
able for identifying the buildings and the ancient 
sites on which they stood. Scarcely less valuable 
are the bricks of which temples and palaces were 
built. For they were usually stamped or inscribed 


with the name of the builder, the name of the 
temple or palace he had built or restored, and that 
of the king or god for whom it was erected. 

As much information is given by the inscriptions 
on votive offerings, vases, mace-heads, blocks of 
costly stone, copper or silver vessels and other 
objects, often specified as the spoil brought from 
some conquered land. Stelae, or monohths, often 
sculptured with a figure of the king and his god, 
may record no more, but sometimes bear longer 
inscriptions. In such cases a king may name his 
father Avho preceded him on the throne, occasionally 
his grandfather, and even more remote ancestors. 
He may speak of the lands he has conquered ; but 
very rarely indeed draws up the annals of his reign, 
as Assyrian monarchs did. The Babylonian ruler 
apparently attached far more importance to his 
religious works than to any mOitary achievements 
he could claim for his glory. 

It may be that this reticence was the result of a 
long continued custom which served to commemorate 
the most striking event of each year in a way even 
more lasting than sculptured story. The Baby- 
lonians called each year by a separate name, which 
made a permanent record of its events, warlike or 
domestic. When a successful war took place the 
year was called after it. Of unsuccessful wars or 
defeats no mention was made. The Babylonian 


preferred to forget them. No one could have fore- 
seen a victory or the death of a foe, and it was the 
thanksgiving which followed, when the spoils were 
dedicated to the gods or some fresh building made 
possible by them, which marked the ensuing year 
as that of the victory. 

The very life of the land depended on irrigation. 
It was the supreme ambition of a good ruler to cut 
a new canal or clean out and repair an old one. 
To build afresh the city wall or its gate, to enclose a 
fresh area, to build forts and palaces, often combined, 
were marks of prosperity and security for its pre- 
servation. Such works often served to name the 

The name to be adopted for each year had to be 
conferred at its beginning, on the First of Nisan, 
when each king of Babylon celebrated the Feast 
of the New Year's Day, and taking the hands of his 
god in the temple, thus became the adopted son of 
the deity and himself divine. The name of the year 
being settled, all documents were dated throughout 
the twelve months following by the day of the month 
in the year of that selected event. Thus the names 
of the first four years of the reign of Hammurabi 
were (1) the year in which Hammurabi became king ; 

(2) the year in which Hammurabi, the king, 
established the heart of the land in righteousness ; 

(3) the year in which the throne of Nannar was 


made ; (4) the year in which the wall of Gagia was 

The name once fixed, notice of it was sent round 
to the various cities or districts of the land. These 
year-names in full were often long pompous sentences 
which would have been inconvenient to use in 
practice. They were usually much abbreviated. 
When, for some reason, the proper year-name was 
not yet known, people dated " the year after " the 
last year-name. 

The scribes kept records of these year-names, and 
a long Ust of year-names has been preserved, which, 
if perfect, would have given in correct chronological 
order the year-names used under the First Dynasty 
of Babylon from the beginning of the dynasty down 
to the tenth year of the last king but one. This 
would cover 258 years. Another such list gave the 
year-names in chronological order from the twelfth 
year of Dungi down to the end of his grandson's 
reign ; in all fifty-four years. 

Such lists may be called Date-fists. Such a list 
of year-names recorded, when complete, some 
event, usually domestic, rehgious or mihtary, for 
each year, and consequently has been called a 

It iB certain that the Babylonians befieved that 
their ancient records, based on such chronological 
systems, enabled them to state the number of 


years which had elapsed since events long 

The kings of Larsa, and doubtless others before 
them, adopted an era. They called the years the 
first, second, third, up to the thirtieth, " after the 
capture of Isin," an event which had marked the 
rise of their power. 

In the third dynasty, a further improvement was 
introduced. They then dated by the years of the 
king's reign. If a king died in the twentieth year of 
his reign, he was reckoned to have reigned twenty 
years. The remainder of that year was called the 
" beginning " of his successor's reign ; but the earliest 
fuU year after that First of Nisan, which fell next 
after his accession, was called his " first year." It 
is usual to call the fraction of a year, which fell after 
his accession, his " accession year," to distinguish 
it from this " first " year. 

Presuming, which is most probable, that the royal 
scribes could obtain access to the necessary records, 
a king could state, when he desired, how long before 
his time an event had occurred to which he wished to 

Many of the later kings were not disincUned to 
give such chronological statements. Thus a boun- 
dary stone, dated in the fourth year of Ellil-nadin- 
aph, states that from the time of Gulkishar, whom we 
otherwise know to have been the sixth king of the 


Dynasty of the Sealand, to that of Nebuchadrezzar I. 
696 years had elapsed. This dates Gulkishar about 
1820 B.C. Again, Nabonidus states that he restored 
a temple in Sippara, which had not been rebuilt 
since Shagarakti-Shuriash, 800 years before. This 
puts that monarch about 1350 B.C. Again, he glories 
in having found the memorial of Naram-Sin, who 
reigned 3200 years before him. Relying on this 
dating, we must place Naram-Sin about 3750 B.C. 
In another connection Nabonidus states that Ham- 
murabi hved 700 years before Burnaburiash. This 
would date Hammurabi about 2100 B.C., or perhaps 
2150 B.C., according to which Burnaburiash we decide 
to refer for the reckoning. 

It is evident that all such dates are vague. The 
numbers are only round figures, so far as we know. 
Even if they be exact, we do not know from which 
year of his own reign the king was reckoning, nor 
to which year of the reign he quotes. 

We further have a number of chronological lists 
which give professedly exact chronology for certain 
periods. A very early list from Nippur gives in 
order the names of the kings of Ur and Isin, with the 
lengths of each reign in years, even months and days. 
The Chronicle of Kish gives Usts of early dynasties 
for some centuries, with the names of their kings and 
the length of each reign. 

The Babylonian Kings' List A, if complete, would 


have given the names of the kings of Babylonia from 
the founder of the First Dynasty of Babylon down 
to the last native king, with the length of each reign. 

The famous Canon of Ptolemy begins with 
Nabonassar's accession in 747 B.C., and gives the 
names of the succeeding kings to Nabonidus, with 
the length of each reign ; then the Achamenids to 
Alexander the Great, followed by the Ptolemies ; 
thus connecting with exact chronology. For 
Assyria, the Eponym Canon records the officials 
whose names dated each year, and by naming the 
echpse of 763 B.C. fixes the reign of each Assyrian 
king back to 911 B.C. So far as they overlap, the 
last three sources agree exactly. Were the Kings' 
List A complete, we thus could trust it implicitly from 
the beginning. The chronology being thus more or 
less fixed for long periods of either Assyrian or 
Babylonian history, sometimes for both, except 
where these lists happen to have gaps, we endeavour 
to complete them by such synchronisms as we can 
discover. Kings of the one country often refer to 
the contemporary monarchs of the other. Naturally 
such a reference cannot be exact to a year. 

The so-called Synchronous History dealt with the 
wars and subsequent rectifications of boundaries, 
between the territories of Assyria and Babylonia, 
from about 1400 b.c. to 800 B.C. Unfortunately it 
is not completely preserved. 


The Babylonian Chronicle gave the names, lengths 
of reigns and some historical events of the con- 
temporary kings of Assyria, Babylonia, and Elam, 
from 744 B.C. to 668 B.C. 

The so-called Dynastic Chronicle had originally 
six columns, of which the first and second must have 
dealt with the mythical dynasties before and after 
the Flood, the third with the First Dynasty of 
Babylon, the fourth with those of the Sealand, of 
Bazu and Elam. All the rest is now lost. The 
names of the kings, their genealogy, length of reign, 
manner of death, and burial place were recorded. 

Chronicle P gives some account of events from 
1400 B.C. to 1250 B.C. 

Chronicle K 1 deals with the reigns of Sargon of 
Akkad and his son, Naram-Sin. It goes on to 
Dungi, Ura-imitti, EUil-bani and Sumu-abu. 

Chronicle K 2 begins with Ura-imitti and Ellil- 
bani, goes on with Hammurabi and Rim-sin, Samsu- 
iluna, Abeshu, Samsu-ditana, Kastihash and Agum, 
giving selected events of these reigns. 

Chronicle K 3 extended from the eleventh to the 
seventh century B.C., with conspicuous events of 
each reign. 

A ReUgious Chronicle noted portents occurring in 
different years of reigns in the eleventh century B.C. 

It will be obvious that such materials do con- 
stitute a rehable contribution to histoiy, which may 


safely be used to construct an outline to be filled up 
as more material is unearthed by excavations. All 
the above give synchronisms, and are all in the 
British Museum. 

The so-called boundary stones, or kudurru in- 
scriptions, are records of varied kinds. They all 
served to rehearse a title to estate, and in doing 
this frequently traced it back to much earlier times, 
mentioning rulers or even dates. 

When the system of dating by regnal years has 
come into use, we obtain minimum dates. A docu- 
ment being dated in the thirtieth year of a certain 
king, we know that he reigned at least thirty years, 
and in the absence of more exact information this 
hint may become valuable. 

A valuable source of information is formed by the 
great mass of Omen tablets. The Babylonian 
thought that the gods not only directed human 
affairs, but indicated coming events by astrological 
signs, by the behaviour of birds and beasts, and, above 
all, by certain appearances to be discerned on the 
liver of a freshly slaughtered sheep offered in sacrifice 
to the gods. They reduced such augury to a science. 
Having observed a fancied connection of some omen 
or portent with an important event, they recorded 
both in such a way as might help to predict the 
events on the recurrence of the omens. From such 
Omen tablets we can often gather events of historical 


value. We may be sure they took place, even when 
we cannot make out what the Omens were which 
were supposed to have foretold them. 

In the hymns and lamentations, which formed a 
large part of the national hterature, are frequently 
found references to historic events. Even the 
legends have obviously, in some cases, a historic 
kernel of fact. 

The chief cause of the many gaps still left in our 
history of Babylonia is the sporadic nature of the 
excavations. Some sites have been exhaustively 
explored, but they are very few. Several cities 
which were once the capitals of kingdoms, ruHng 
over a large part of Babylonia, are still imtouched 
by the spade ; and there, if anywhere, we must 
expect to find monuments of their kings. The 
evidence which we now possess of their power comes 
from incidental references discovered elsewhere. 
Almost every new discovery on the sites actually 
being worked adds fresh proof of our existing know- 
ledge. But many problems must remain unsolved 
until other sites can be explored. 



Babylonia is, in an especial sense, the child of the 
two streams. The Euphrates and the Tigris both 
rise in the mountains of Armenia, and by the time 
they reach Babylonian soil have traversed a long 
journey. It is not easy to be sure of any natural 
boundary to the north, but above Hit the nature 
of the land is desert or rocky. There the solid ground 
ends in a reef of hard rock ; below, all is alluvial 
deposit, which now extends 550 miles down to the 
Persian Gulf. This is, however, greatly in excess 
of its ancient extent, for Eridu, once on the sea, 
and still an important port in the time of Dungi, is 
now 125 miles from the Gulf. The rivers drew 
within 35 miles of each other, opposite the modern 
Bagdad, and a httle above that the Euphrates 
divided into two streams. The eastern branch 
watered the district west of Bagdad. At this part 
of its course, the Euphrates Ues above the level of 
the Tigris, and a number of canals were anciently led 
from its eastern bank to water the extremely fertile 
land. The western branch, now the main stream, 
follows the course of an old canal, once the River of 



Sippara, while the lakes and streams to the west 
probably mark its original course. The most im- 
portant of these canals, now called the Shatt-en-Nil, 
empties along the Shatt-el-K(ir into the Euphrates 
again lower down. From the Tigris, which here 
is higher than the Euphrates level, the old canal, 
which once bore the name of the Tigris, now the 
Shatt-el-Hai, carries down the waters of the Tigris 
into the Euphrates. The Euphrates turns east 
below a range of low hills on the edge of the Arabian 
desert and joins the Tigris at Kurna to form the 

Ancient Babylonia lay within these rivers, which 
surrounded it on all sides. It formed an artificial 
island. While in its days of military prowess it 
ruled districts far outside, practically all its cities lay 
between the streams. In later times the northern 
portion was called Akkad, and the southern, Sumer. 
The division between them was vague, and shifted 
with changes in pohtical supremacy. 

The whole area was anciently a network of canals. 
Neglect to keep them clear led promptly to floods, 
as the melting snows in high lands swelled the rivers 
and washed away the soft earthen embankments. 
As the land dried up under the fierce sun, the desert 
sand drifted in and rendered the land a wilderness 
where irrigation had produced a garden. Properly 
managed, the district was amazingly fertile. The 


date-palm is indigenous, and furnished, beside 
food, almost endless manufactured products. 
^Vlleat was introduced early, and raised two or three 
crops a year, yielding 200 or 300 fold. Stone was 
very scarce, but excellent brick-making clay was 
available everywhere. 

To the west of the Euphrates lay the great plain 
of Arabia, stretching away towards the Jordan 
and the Red Sea. At best bare grassland, its 
nomad pastoral inhabitants ever pressed down to 
the lands along the river and even across into the 
cultivated alluvial. On the east, across the Tigris, 
range upon range of huge Umestone mountains rose 
to a plateau, five or six thousand feet. In the 
valleys, usually separated by difficult passes from 
each other, groups of hardy mountaineers contested 
with their neighbours for supremacy. From time 
to time they amalgamated for raids into the plain 
and occasionally established rule there. The in- 
vaders of upper Mesopotamia often passed down 
into Babylonia, and as Assyria grew into power in the 
north it laid claim to sovereignty over the rich 
southern lands. 

Babylonia in historic times became a wealthy 
industrial land, and by its conquests absorbed 
multitudes of foreign slaves. Its merchants 
travelled far to the east for the products of Elam 
and Persia, even farther up the Euphrates to the 


west, into Asia Minor, Palestine, and beyond to 
Egypt. It was repeatedly invaded, and its con- 
querors infused fresh energy from time to time, but 
its ancient civilisation always absorbed the invaders, 
and, despite all vicissitudes, persisted in its essential 
features to the end. 

The remains of prehistoric peoples in Babylonia 
have been met with to a considerable extent, but 
are usually passed over with scanty comment. Such 
of them as have reached our museums are rendered 
almost worthless by an entire lack of systematic 
study and scientific records. Often we do not 
even know from what stratum they came. 

The generations who have left no documentary 
evidence of their history may be " before history " 
indeed, but they were far different from " pre- 
historic " races, in the sense in which that term is 
usually applied. 

When history commences, the inhabitants of 
Babylonia were already highly civilised. They 
lived in towns, many of which had large populations 
and occupied wide areas. They already possessed 
great temples. The people had a complicated organ- 
isation of many distinct classes or occupations, and 
possessed much wealth, not only in sheep and cattle, 
but in manufactured goods, in gold, silver and copper. 

They possessed an elaborate and efficient system of 
writing, extensively used and widel}'^ understood, 


consisting of a number of signs, obviously descended 
from a form of picture-writing, but conventionalised 
to an extent that usually precludes the recognition 
of the original pictures. This writing was made by 
the impression of a stylus, on blocks or cakes of fine 
clay, while still quite soft. These so-called " tablets " 
were usually sun-dried, but, in cases where preserva- 
tion was specially desirable, they were baked hard. 
The weU-baked tablet may be broken in pieces, but 
is impervious to moisture and, when buried in the 
sand, practically indestructible. The mark of the 
stylus looks like a hollow nail, or wedge, and hence 
the writing is called " cuneiform.'' The method 
was adopted by, or was common to, many of the 
neighbouring nations, being used freely in Elam, 
Armenia, and Northern Mesopotamia as far west as 
Cappadocia, Originally contrived to write the 
language of Babylonia, it was modified and adapted 
to express several other tongues with more or less 
success. We have as yet no interpretable evidence 
of a time before writing in Babylonia. 

The art of engraving on metal and precious stones 
was carried to an extraordinarily high pitch of 
excellence at a very early date, while statuary and 
architecture were in an advanced stage. Pottery 
of excellent type and extraordinary variety was 
already developed. Weaving and embroidery were 
a staple of manufacture and export. 


The Sumerians. — By common consent this name 
has been given to a people who appear to have been 
the inhabitants of most of the cities of Babylonia, 
before the invasion of that land by the Semites. 
They are thought to have been the inventors of the 
cuneiform writing. Scholars differ very much as 
to the relation of the Sumerian to other languages, 
but generally agree to call it agglutinative. 

Their monuments give the Sumerians a tolerably 
distinct physiognomy. Their fashions of dress and 
their characteristic customs have been much dis- 
cussed, but do not appear to mark racial so much as 
cultural distinctions. 

In early times the population of the northern 
part of Babylonia may have been Sumerian, and it 
was then called Uri or Kiuri, while the southern 
portion was called Kengi. Later the north, which 
included Agade, Sippar, Kish, Opis, Kutha, Babylon 
and Borsippa, was called Akkad, while the south, 
which included Lagash, Shuruppak, Ur, Eridu, 
Erech, Umma and Adab, was called Sumer. 

The name Sumerian is derived from Sumer, on 
the assumption that the people denoted by it 
occupied that land where their chief monuments 
were first discovered. 

The Semites. — At what period the Semites first 
invaded Babylonia, when and where they first 
attained supremacy, are not yet matters of history. 


We find Semites in the land and in possession of con- 
siderable power almost as early as we can go back. 

The characteristic Semitic features are very 
marked on their monuments, but more decisive is 
the definite Hkeness of their language to others of 
the Semitic group. Apart from the modifications 
due to their close contact with the Sumerians, the 
Babylonian Semitic speech exhibits early forms of 
what can be traced elsewhere in other branches of 
the group. 

They seem to have soon absorbed the Sumerian 
civilisation, adding elements of their own. Under 
their supremacy art and literature received a fresh 
impulse and soon attained a high-water mark. 

Apparently they came into Babylonia, not directly 
from Arabia, but from the north-west. At any rate 
they first attained supremacy in the north, and 
Akkadian became the name of the Semitic speech. 
They early established themselves in parts of Elam, 
also in Lulubu and Gutium. Gradually they pene- 
trated the south, and by the end of the Dynasty 
of Isin, Semitic was clearly understood everywhere 
in the land. Sumerian names fingered long in the 
north, much longer in the south, but we have as yet 
no instance of the use of the language for everyday 
business later than the First Dynasty of Babylon. 
Royal inscriptions were composed in Sumerian to the 


The Cities. — Babylon is the form which the 
Greeks gave to the later native name, Bab-ilani, 
" Gate of the gods " ; earUer, Bab-iU, " Gate of god." 

It lay on the E. bank of the Euphrates, part of its site 
being now marked by the ruins of Hillah, fifty miles S. 
of Bagdad. Babil, which preserves its name, covers 
the ruins of £-sagila, the temple of Marduk, the city 
god, and is still 90 feet high. The Kasr contains the 
ruins of Nebuchadrezzar's palace, along the E. side 
of which ran the sacred procession street, decorated 
with enamelled bricks representing the dragon and 
the buU, down to the Ishtar gate at the S.E. comer. 
The whole was enclosed within an irregular triangle 
formed by two hnes of ramparts and the river, an 
area of about eight square miles. The city crossed 
the river to the west, where are remains of a palace 
of Neriglissar. The city may have become con- 
terminous in course of time with many adjoining 
towns, and Herodotus ascribes to it a circuit of fifty- 
five miles. The Deutsche Orientgesellschaft have been 
exploring the site since 1902, and wiU doubtless 
ultimately solve the many problems afforded by it. 

From very early times the kings of Babylonia 
wrought at the building of its temples, palaces, 
fortifications, bridges and quays. Hammurabi first 
raised it to be capital of aU Babylonia. Sennacherib 
utterly ruined it, 689 B.C. Subsequent kings 
gradually restored it, but most of its ascertained 


remains were the work of Nebuchadrezzar. So far, 
the site has not yielded much material for history. 

BoRSiPPA. — The Greek form of Barsip, was a 
large city and celebrated for its great temple of 
JS-zida, the shrine of the city god Nabft. The ruins 
of this temple and its tower are marked by the mound 
of Birs-Nirarud, often identified with the tower 
of Babel. It lay on the W. bank of the Euphrates, 
but Nebuchadrezzar included it in his outer fortifica- 
tions of Babylon. Attempts at excavation have 
not yielded much. It was connected with Babylon 
by a long causeway and a bridge. 

KiSH was situated at the modern El Oheimer 
where have been found bricks of the great temple of 
Zamama, the city god. No systematic exploration 
has been carried out, but native diggers have un- 
earthed quantities of tablets. 

Opis was not far away, on the W. bank of 
the Tigris, but the site is not identified yet. 
Nebuchadrezzar extended the wall of Babylon 
thither, thus closing the passage between the 
Euphrates and Tigris. Greek writers called it the 
Median Wall. 

SiPPAR was situated at the opposite end of the 
Median Wall, on the Euphrates. Here have been 
found the site of the famous temple of the Sun-god, 
Shamash, called fibarra, known to have been rebuilt 
by Nardm-Sin, and often restored by later kings. It 


was partly explored by Rassam in 1881-2, and by 
Scheil in 1892. Thousands of tablets were found 
there, of immense value for history, especially that 
of the First Dynasty. Deib, close by, also yielded 
tablets to Budge in 1891. It probably extended 
beyond the modem Abu Habba. 

Akkad, the older Agade, probably lay near 
Sippar, but is not yet identified. Kutha, the 
centre of the worship of Nergal, may be some 
distance N. of Kish, at Tell Ibrahim-el-Chalil, as 
Nebuchadrezzar seems to have included it within 
the Median Wall. 

D0R-KuRiGALzu may have lain on the site of the 
great mound of Aqarqflf , on the road from Bagdad 
to Faluja, This has not been explored. 

Nippur, the centre of the worship of EUil, the 
Semitic Bel, in his temple of £-kur, " The mountain 
house," was excavated^ for the Babylonian Expedi- 
tion of the University of Pennsylvania in 1888-1895, 
by Haynes, Hilprecht, Fisher, and others. Its 
history was traced back with extraordinary com- 
pleteness to the time of Sargon of Akkad. Owing 
to its somewhat isolated position between N. and S., 
and its great hold on the respect of the people, it 
was a repository for the votive offerings of kings 
both of Sumer and Akkad. Hence it has jdelded 
more material for history than any other site. It 
lay at the junction of the Shatt-en-NU and Shatt- 


el-K&r, which formed " The Euphrates of Nippur." 
Not far away Ues Drehem, once the cattle-market 
of Nippur, whence great numbers of tablets found 
by native diggers have been exported. 

At the modem Bismaya, the Expedition of the 
University of Chicago, under Banks, 1903-4, dis- 
covered some of the earliest remains yet brought to 
light, and proved that it was the ancient Adab. 
The site Hes east of the Shatt-el-KAr. 

Still farther S. lies the modern Jokha, the ruins 
of the ancient Umma, between the Shatt-el-Hai 
and the Shatt-el-Kar. No systematic excavation 
has taken place yet, but native diggers have sent 
thousands of tablets to Europe. It was examined 
by the Germans in 1902-3. 

On the other side of the Shatt-el-Hai, and much 
farther S., the mounds of the modern Telloh have 
been excavated since 1877 by the French, till 
1900 by De Sarzec, since then by De Cros, with 
splendid results. It is the site of the ancient 
Shirpurla, or Lagash, one quarter of which was 
called Girsu, giving the name of Ningirsu to the 
city god. Owing to the thorough work done here, 
we are able to reconstruct a history of the city's 
fortunes as metropolis of a kingdom or under other 
rule, from earliest times to the dynasty of 

Near Telloh to the N.E., and about six miles 


apart, are Surghul and El-Hibba, examined by 
Koldewy in 1887. Both places afforded proof that 
they were subject to the rulers of Lagash. StiU to 
the south, by the Shatra marshes, TeU-Medina and 
Tell-Sifr yielded interesting results to a cursory 
examination by Loftus in 1854. Senkereh, on the 
Shatt-el-Kar, was the ancient Lars a, also examined 
by Loftus. Many tablets from native diggings have 
found their way thence to Europe. 

On the W. of the Shatt-el-Kar, at Warka, are the 
ruins of the ancient Erech, with the temple £-anna 
of the goddess Ninni. The mounds, covering an 
area six miles in circumference, were examined by 
Loftus in 1853. It is expected that the Deutsche 
Orientgesellschaft wiU shortly excavate the site. 

At Fara, excavations by Koldewey in 1902 and 
by Andrae and Noldeke in 1903, revealed the site 
of Shuruppak, called Shurippak in the Gilgamesh 
Poem or Nimrod Epos, and there described as on the 
Euphrates. It was the home of Utanapishtum, the 
Babylonian Noah, or hero of the Deluge. A cursory 
examination proved that a very early site had been 
completely destroyed by fire. Later, native diggers 
have sent many tablets to Europe. 

Abu Hatab , somewhat farther N . , was also examined 
by the Grermans in 1902-3, and proved to be the site 
of KisuRRA. Many tablets of the Dynasty of Ur 
have been found here. 


Two important cities lay W. of the Euphrates by 
its lower course. Ur was at the modern Mugayyar, 
where E. J. Taylor worked in 1854-5. It was the 
Biblical Ur-Kasdim, or " Ur of the Chaldees," 
whence Hebrew tradition brought Abraham to 
Haran and Palestine. Its enormous temple of Sin 
or Nannar, the Moon-god, still excites the wonder of 
travellers. It awaits excavation stiU. 

Eridu is usually identified with the modern 
Abu-Shahrain, situated on the edge of the Arabian 
desert, cut off from the Euphrates by a low pebbly 
sandstone ridge. Its ruins appear to rise abruptly 
from the bed of an inland sea. It is founded on the 
rock, and its buildings were of stone, not brick. 
Its city god was £a, god of the deep, and tradition 
made it the cradle of the race. 

The Babylonian city, as we first know of it, or 
rather as we may ideahse it from the general aspect 
of it which we can reconstruct, was inhabited by a 
collection of men more or less closely aUied by race, 
associated for purposes of mutual protection and 
convenience. It had its wall, within which were 
dwellings and buildings for stores and for folding 
the cattle and sheep. Outside it were meadows, 
irrigated from canals, and fields used to grow com 
and vegetables and to produce food for the animals. 
An outer ring of lands was common pasture. 

The city had its temple, that of the. local city 


god. Very obscure is still the relation of the god 
to the city. He rarely bears a name which has 
any relation to the city name. He may have been 
the god of that tribe, which once formed the nucleus 
of the city folk. Anyway, there were usually 
famiUes to whom belonged rights and duties in 
connection with the temple, suggesting that they 
were descendants of the founders of the temple and, 
therefore, of the city. 

The city, however, had long absorbed men of 
other family, if not of other race, who brought 
with them other gods. The reUgious problem, then 
pre-eminently a matter of city pohtics, was to 
cement these populations by conceding a satisfactory 
place to new arrivals when they attained such power 
as to demand recognition. The solution seems 
usually to have been to construct a divine family. 
The oldest of the gods, presumably the earliest city 
god, became the father of the gods ; and the other 
gods, in various ways formed the members of this 
family. The theological systems thus worked out 
were naturally different for each important city. A 
god, once in a subordinate position, might become 
in course of time far more important than other 
more venerable gods. 

Theoretically, the god was the owner of all the 
city land, its helu, or " Lord." The inhabitants 
were his tenants and owed him rent for the lands 


they occupied. The common lands were assigned 
by common agreement, subject to the divine dues. 
Exactly how private property in land came to exist 
does not yet appear, but it would easily grow up 
when the priest, who owed " the rent " for the land 
he cultivated, paid it to himself as the agent of the 
god who should receive it. At any rate, we early 
find evidence of its existence ; it was only in 
cultivated land ; pasture was common. 

As the population grew by natural increase or 
by the absorption of strangers, and their flocks 
and herds became too great for the pastures, which 
were themselves drawn upon to furnish fresh fields 
reclaimed from the waste, the beasts were driven 
farther afield. Then arose disputes as to grazing 
rights with the neighbouring cities. Wars, which 
seem to have been almost incessant and practically 
became hereditary feuds, are early in evidence. 

The aim of the successful combatant was to 
preserve his own territory intact and to levy a 
tribute on the conquered. Such conquests rarely 
lasted long, but gradually success fell persistently 
in one direction or another, and the kings of a city 
which held this loose sort of supremacy over its 
neighbours form what we may call a dynasty. It 
is a dynasty of the city rather than of a i&mily, 
for the successive kings may have borne no family 
relation one to another. 


In spite of its submission to another city, in having 
to furnish a tribute in cattle, sheep, produce, corn, 
or goods, a quota of men to assist its sovereign in 
war or on pubUc works, and an obhgation not 
to engage in war on its own account, the subject 
city was autonomous. It not only kept its own 
city god, but made its own internal laws, exacted 
its own temple dues, import duties, etc. 

The city governor, in whose time and through 
whose own energy the city became supreme over 
other cities, assumed the title of king. It is not 
clear that even when he had conquered other cities 
he always took this title. It does, however, seem 
to be the rule. When subject to the supremacy 
of another city, the city governor usually contented 
himself with the title of patesi. That marked him 
as the " steward " of his god, for whom he ad- 
ministered the affairs of the city, and who was the 
master to whom he was accountable. Even when 
the god had triumphed through his servants over 
other gods and so enabled his steward to be re- 
garded as king over other cities, the king was still 
patesi to his own god. Hence even kings, in their 
inscriptions commemorating some act of rehgious 
significance, often chose to style themselves patesi. 
This title may not in such cases imply subjection 
to an overlord. 



It seems probable that our earliest monuments 
belong to the kingdoms of the North, where Kish, 
Opis, Akkad, and possibly Kazallu, struggled for 
supremacy. We may begin there. The lack of 
systematic excavations at the sites of these Northern 
cities prevents any attempt at consecutive history. 
In fact, the chief witness to the existence of the 
Northern powers comes from records left by their 
invasions of the South. 

It is generally agreed that the most ancient 
historical record we possess is preserved on three 
fragments of a vase of dark brown sandstone found 
at Nippur, below the chambers of the great temple 
of ElUl, on the S.E. side of the temple tower. This 
situation and the extremely archaic nature of the 
characters attest the highest antiquity. We learn 
that Utug, a patesi of Kish, son of Bazuzu, had 
dedicated the vase to Zamama to commemorate 
the conquest of Khamazi, 

A colossal macehead found at Lagash was dedi- 
cated by Mesilim, king of Kish, to the city god 
of Lagash when Lugal-shag-engur was its patesi. 


fiannatum, a much later 'patesi of Lagash, refers 
to a stele which Mesilim, king of Kish, set up to 
mark the boundary between Lagash and Umma. 

A vase of white stalagmite, found at Nippur, 
close to the vase of Utug, was dedicated to the gods 
of Nippur by Ur-Zage, king of Kish. 

LuGAL-TARSi, an early king of Kish, is known 
from a small lapis lazuU tablet now in the British 
Museum, which records his building of a court of 
the temple of Anu and Ninrii, probably at Erech, 
over which he may have ruled. 

It is impossible as yet to fix the order of these, 
but they, like Zuzu, king of Opis, appear to have 
preceded that Dynasty of Opis which the 
Chronicle of Kish puts at the commencement of 
its list. Here Unzi, 30 years ; Undalulu, 12 years ; 
Ursag, 6 years ; Basha-Tsir, 20 years ; Ishu-il, 24 
years ; and Gimil-Sin I., 7 years, form a dynasty of 
eight kings whose reigns lasted 99 years, when the 
supremacy in the North again passed to Kish. The 
existing copy of the Chronicle of Kish places at 
the head of what must be the Second Dynasty 
OF Kish, the Queen Azag-Bau, and credits her with 
a reign of 100 years. She was celebrated in tradi- 
tion as having ruled Sumer, and hers is the only 
female name ranked with the most noted rulers 
of Babylonia. She had been a wine seller, and 
founded the city of Kish according to some. Her 


son, Basha-Sin, succeeded her and reigned 25 
years. His son, Ur-Zamama, reigned 6 years. 
Then Zimudar reigned 30 years ; his son, Uziwatar, 
6 years ; Elmuti, 11 years ; Igul-Shamash, 11 years ; 
Nanizakh, 3 years ; in all eight rulers, to whom the 
Chronicle gives 586 years. The explanation of 
these abnormal figures is yet unknown. Then 
Kish feU under the supremacy of Lugal-zaggisi, 
king of Erech, to whom we shall return. 

So far as these scanty indications go we see that 
at a very early period the North, under its kings 
of Kish, extended its rule over the South. Lack 
of material still prevents our knowing whether the 
South had not earlier ruled the North. We find 
independent kings almost as early in the South, 
where we have contemporary evidence of their 
rule and contests with the North. 

Lagash furnishes records which partly overlap 
the story of Kish, to which it was for a time subject. 
The patesi of Lagash, named Lugal-Shag-Engur 
on MesiUm's mace, was a subject of that king of 
Kish. Badu was, however, a king of Lagash, 
who certainly preceded Ur-Nintl, and is named on 
the Vulture Stele. Enkhi^g^, another king of 
Lagash, known from an archaic Umestone tablet, 
may be placed about this period. The ruUng 
family who succeeded formed a dynasty at Lagash. 

The first of them was Ur-NinI, son of Gunidu, 


and grandson of Gursar. He rebuilt the wall 
of Lagash, erected temples and other buildings, 
dedicated statues to his gods and cut canals to 
increase the prosperity of his land. Most interest- 
ing are the plaques representing him in the capacity 
of a labourer on the building of his god's temples, 
accompanied by his family and court officials, or 
engaged with them at ceremonial feasts. His 
authority was acknowledged at Nippur and Eridu 
as well as at Lagash. 

Aktjrgai, succeeded his father, Ur-Nina, and 
during his reign Lagash and Umma were at war. 

Eannatum, the son of Akurgal, succeeded him. 
His magnificent Vulture Stele commemorates his 
victory over Umma, which had raided the fertile 
plain of Gu-edin, in the territory of Lagash. After 
a fierce battle, in which fiannatum claims to have 
slain 3600 men, he stormed Umma. Lagash 
suffered severely, but triumphed completely. Ush, 
patesi of Umma, probably fell in the battle, for 
Eannatum concluded peace with EnakaUi, a new 
patesi. The plain of Gu-edin was ceded to Lagash, 
and a deep fosse dug as a boundary between the 
states. Eannatum set up a stele, with the text 
of the new treaty inscribed upon it, and imposed 
upon Umma a heavy tribute in grain. He was 
also successful against Kish, whose king appears 
upon the Vulture Stele as a captive. Elam was 




defeated and driven back to its own frontiers. 
Zuzu, king of Opis, who had invaded the territory 
of Lagash, was captured. Mari, a city on the 
Euphrates, was defeated, Ur and Erech were con- 
quered, Larsa was in his hands, Eridu owned his 
rule as well as other little known but once im- 
portant places. Thus Eannatum had raised 
Lagash to be metropoUs of Babylonia. His reign 
was also distinguished by domestic works. He did 
much building at the temple of Ningirsu in Lagash 
and at the temple of Ninni in Erech. He further 
fortified Lagash, rebuilt parts of it, dug great 
canals, made a huge reservoir, and sank wells. 

Enannatum I. succeeded fiannatum, whom he 
calls his beloved brother. Umma continued to 
give trouble. Enakalli was followed by Ur-lumma, 
his son. Each claimed the title of king. Ur- 
lumma destroyed with fire the stele of Eannatum 
and the shrines of the gods set up beside it, but 
Enannatun\, claims to have defeated him decisively. 
He built extensively at many temples in Lagash. 

Entemena, son and successor of Enannatum I., 
had still to defend Lagash against Ur-lumma, the 
king of Umma. He met and defeated him on the 
banks of the boundary fosse, with a loss of sixty 
men, followed him to Umma and slew him there. 
Then he annexed Umma and set an official of his 
own, one Hi, formerly patesi of Ninniesh, as ruler 


there. Karkar had aided Ur-lumma, so Entemena 
chastised it and added some of its lands to the 
territory of Lagash. He erected a stela to record 
his victories and serve as boundary mark between 
Lagash and Umma. He left memorials at Nippur, 
and ruled Eridu. He further enlarged fiannatum's 
great reservoir, and extensively restored many 
temples. His famous silver vase is the finest 
specimen of Sumerian metal: work yet discovered. 
It was dedicated for the preservation of lus life to 
Ningirsu at Lagash while Dudu was priest there 
He reigned twenty-nine years. 

Enannattjm II., son and successor of Entemena, 
is known from an inscription upon a door socket 
in the great storehouse of Ningirsu at Lagash which 
he restored. With him the family of Ur-Nina 
seems to have come to an end. 

Enetarzi succeeded Enannatum II. as patesi, 
and reigned at least four years. He had been 
chief priest of Ningirsu before he ascended the 
throne. Lii-enna, a priest of the goddess Ninmar, 
addressed a letter to him before his accession, 
claiming to have defeated 600 Elamites who had 
raided the district of Lagash. 

Enlitarzi, who had been priest of Ningirsu in 
Entemena's reign, succeeded, and reigned at least 
seven years. He married Ltigunutur, whose steward 
was called Shakh. 


Lfgalanda-nushuga, generally called Lugalanda, 
was son of Enlitarzi, and married Barnamtarra. 
He reigned at least nine years. Shakh continued 
to be royal steward in his first year, and was suc- 
ceeded by Eniggal. 

Urukagina, who married Shagshag, reigned 
one year as patesi, and at least six years as king of 
Lagash. The royal steward was still Eniggal. 
Urukagina was one of the most remarkable figures 
in Sumerian history. He does not seem to have 
been in any way related to the patesis who had 
preceded him. He ascribed his elevation to power 
directly to the god Ningirsu. He describes vividly 
the exactions of former patesis, priests, and officials, 
the oppression of the people by them, and specifies 
the taxes on agriculture and the swarms of collec- 
tors, spies, and predatory officials. Urukagina 
aboUshed every abuse, deprived the officials of 
their posts, reduced their fees, fixed fair charges, 
and protected the poor and weak from oppression. 
Restoring the conditions of earlier times he effected 
a grand Reformation. He also was a great temple 
builder and restorer, and improved the water supply 
of the city. He retained ascendancy over Nippur 
and Erech. 

The reforms of Urukagina may have been im- 
portant for the well-being of the people, but they 
undoubtedly estranged the wealthy and powerful. 


Where these were in power in distant parts of the 
Empire — and Urukagina himself says there were 
" tax collectors down to the Sea," implying that 
his dominions extended far south — disaffection 
doubtless led to rebeUion. Possibly also it was 
not easy to replace the old officials, corrupt as 
they were, with eflScient administrators. At any 
rate, Lagash soon fell a prey to Umma. 

How long after his accession the catastrophe 
feU upon Urukagina is not yet clear. A very curious 
tablet records that the men of Umma set fire to 
shrine after shrine, carried away the silver and 
precious stones, and shed blood in the palaces and 
temples. The list of the places destroyed includes 
all those on which the piety and wealth of the 
patesis of Lagash had been lavished. There can 
be little doubt that the whole city was sacked and 
largely destroyed by fire. 

It was LuGAL-ZAGGisi, patesi of Umma, who 
simply had " wiped out " Lagash. Later patesis 
restored the city and the temples with even greater 
magnificence, but Lagash was never again the 
metropohs of the South. 

Dynasty of Erech. — From other sources we 
know that Lugal-zaggisi was son of Ukush, patesi 
of Umma. His conquests were not confined to 
Lagash, but he became the founder of an empire. 

The chronicle of Kish informs us that he also 


put an end to the dynasty founded there by 
Azag-Bau ; "at Erech Lugal-zaggisi reigned 25 
years/' Lugal-zaggisi, once patesi, then king of 
Umma, was king of Erech and of Sumer, patesi of 
EUil, ruled over Eridu, was lord of Larsa. He 
boasts that he had conquered the lands from the 
rising of the sun to the setting of the sun, from the 
Lower Sea over the Euphrates and Tigris to the 
Upper Sea. We may, therefore, suppose that he 
had raided Syria, or at least received submission 
and tribute thence. The Chronicle of Kish only 
gives one king to this dynasty, and though the 
kings named below had probably ruled at Erech, 
it may weU be that their power in the north was 
not supreme. 

LuGAL-KiGUB-NiDUDU was king of Erech, Ur, 
and Sumer. He dedicated a rough block of diorite 
to EUil in Nippur, which Shargani-sharri after- 
wards used as a door socket in the temple which 
he built there. 

LuGAL-KiSALSi was also king of Erech and Ur. 
At a later period, Gudea, when rebuilding £-ninnu, 
in Lagash, found a stele of this king and erected it 
in the forecourt of the temple. 

Enshagkushanna, king of Sumer, about this 
time successfully raided Kish, and dedicated some 
of his booty to Ellil in Nippur. 



The absence of inscriptions from the capital of the 
empire ruled by this djoiasty, due to the fact that 
its site has not yet been recognised or explored, 
makes our information as to the early history of the 
growth of power at this centre very scanty and 
disconnected. We may, with good reason, ascribe 
its rise to the energy imparted by the influx of a 
warlike Semitic population, but its achievements 
demand the assumption of much more than the 
incursions of a horde of fanatic warriors. The 
impression its power made upon the national 
imagination was so striking that we must postulate 
a long period of prosperity for the accumulation of 
the necessary material resources. It cannot have 
owed its sudden overwhelming supremacy to a 
fortuitous combination of pohtical or economic 
causes : it must have long awaited an opening before 
it marched to empire ; but only as Emperors of 
Babylonia do the scattered references from other 
sites present us with the portrait of its mighty kings, 
and that for the most part in long transmitted 
tradition of much later times. Only of recent years 



has contemporary evidence been available to check 
what seemed almost fabulous, and to separate the 
large element of historic truth from the myths 
attached to early heroes of national glory. We 
must await the work of the excavator for the dis- 
cernment of the steps which led up to the rise of 
this dynasty. 

The Chronicle of Kish states that " At Akkad 
Shabrukin, the gardener, warder of the temple 
of Zamama, became king," after the reign of 
Lugal-zaggisi of Erech. Unfortunately the figures 
giving the length of his reign are broken away. 
The names of the next four kings are lost, but are 
plausibly restored as Manishtusu, Urumush, Naram- 
Sin and Shargani-sharri, A remarkably fine monu- 
ment found at Susa is engraved with sculptures 
which represent a battle scene and a row of captives 
brought into the presence of the king and his suite. 
The king's name is SharrukIn. On the reverse, 
vultures are represented feeding on the slain, and a 
god clubbing the enemies entrammelled in his net. 
This conquering king is very likely the founder of 
the dynasty of Akkad. 

Tradition has been busy with his name. As the 
Assyrian king, Sharrukin II., 720-707 B.C., appears 
in the Bible as Sargon, it has been usual to speak 
of Sharrukin as " Sargon of Akkad." The Assyrian 
scribes of the eighth century B.C. narrate a story of 


his infancy. According to this legend he was the son 
of a princess, a Vestal Virgin dedicated to Shamash. 
He never knew his father, and his father's brother 
ill-treated his mother, who gave birth to him in 
secret and confided him to the mercy of the waters 
in an ark pitched with pitch. He was rescued from 
the river by Akki, the gardener, whose craft he 
followed till the great goddess Ishtar made him her 
favourite and raised him to the throne of Akkad. 
His birthplace is said to have been Azupiranu. 

In a collection of Omens we learn that he was 
'' highly exalted and had no rival." He crossed 
over the sea in the East, and in the eleventh year 
subdued the whole of the Western lands, where he 
set up images of himself. He crossed the sea of 
the West in the third year and made conquests 
there and at Dilmun, in the Persian Gulf. He 
invaded Kazallu, whose king, Kashtubila, had 
rebelled, devastated the land, and turned the city 
into heaps of ruins. He made an expedition into 
Subartu, north of Babylonia, and defeated its people 
with great slaughter. In every case, he brought 
back great spoil to Akkad, which he made to rival 
Babylon. He also made a great city, like Akkad, 
and gave it a name, which is unfortunately not 
preserved, but was probably Dur-Sharrukin. Later, 
all the lands revolted against him and besieged him 
in Akkad. He, however, entirely subdued them, 


overthrew their mighty hosts, and completely re- 
established his supremacy. 

The later tradition makes Naram-Sin to be his 
son. But it is usually supposed that Manishtusu 
succeeded him. He married Ashlultum. 

Manishtusu has long been known from an 
inscription on a mace-head found at Sippara dedi- 
cated to the goddess Nina. Another votive inscrip- 
tion found at Nippur records his reverence for EUil. 
But the great monument of his reign is his famous 
obeUsk found at Susa, written in Semitic in sixty- 
nine long columns. It forms a welcome contrast 
to the story of wars, bloodshed and spoils. It 
records the purchase by the king of large tracts of 
land near Kish, Baz, DCir-Sin and Shittab. Each 
estate is described as to size, value and position, 
with the names of its owners and stewards. That 
the king bought the land of his subjects speaks 
highly for his respect for private ownership. Each 
acre of land was paid for on a fixed scale of one 
shekel of silver or cor of barley. Beside the price, 
a present of money, cattle, garments or vessels, was 
given to each owner bought out. A record was kept 
of the owner's km who had rights of redemption 
over the land. The estate had given emploj^nent 
to 1564 labourers, under 87 overseers. The king 
undertoolv to provide fresli occupation for the 
displaced labourers. The men of Akkad were settled 


on the estate, which was destined for Mesalim, the 
king's son. 

Two monoUths of this king found at Sippara and 
a dupUcate found at Susa enable us to gather that 
when the kings of thirty-two cities combined against 
him he triumphed over them. That they are said 
to be " this side the sea " may point to his rule 
down to the Persian Gulf. 

A number of statues of Manishtusu were dis- 
covered at Susa, carried thither by Shutraknakhunte, 
king of Elam, from Akkad and Ashnunnak. 

An inscription on a singular cruciform object 
preserved in the British Museum, of which a later 
copy exists at Constantinople, was drawn up to 
record the rebuilding and endowment of the cele- 
brated Gagia or convent of the Shamash Vestals 
at Sippara. It was the work of a son of Sharrukin, 
who was moved to this pious deed by the favour 
shown to him by Shamash when the lands left to 
him by his father, Sharrukin, rebelled against him. 
He conquered Anshan and Kurikhum in Elam, 
captured their kings and brought them before 

Urumush, or Rimush, is known from votive vases 
found at Telloh, Sippara, and Nippur. One of the 
last is stated to be part of the spoil from Elam, 
which he invaded. Somewhere in that land he 
conquered Abalgamash, king of Barakhsu, and 


Stele of Naram-Sin 


captured his viceroy, Sidqa, between Awan and 
Susa, on the river Kabnitum. He sacked the city 
Asharri, and " uprooted the foundations " of 
Barakhsu. In this reign occurs the earhest known 
biUngual Sumerian and Semitic text, recording that 
Urumush had dedicated a statue of himseK in lead 
to EUil. This he states to have been the first 
example of its kind. From a late collection of 
Omens we learn that Urumush was put to death by 
a palace sedition, but no cause is assigned. 

When Nabonidus laid bare the foundation in- 
scription of Naram-Sin in the temple of Shamash 
at Sippara, he was inform.ed that Naram-Sin had 
reigned 3200 years before his time. 

The Chronicle expressly names Naram-Sin as son 
of Sharrukin, and states that he marched against 
Apirak, constructed mines against it, took and 
captured its king, Rish-Adad, as well as its governor. 
He invaded Magan and took its king, Mannudannu, 

From dated tablets found at Telloh we learn, that 
Naram-Sin laid the foundations of the temple of 
Ellil, in Nippur, and of the temple of Irnina, in the 
city Ninni-esh. On his stele, found at Susa, he 
records nine victories in one year. His inscriptions 
record'the conquest of Armanu and the capture of 
Satuni, king of the Lulubu. A stele of victory was 
erected by him close to Diarbekr, at the upper 


affluents of the Tigris. We know the name of a 
son, Binganisharri, of a granddaughter, Lipush-Iau, 
and of a brother, Ubil-Ishtar. 

Apparently he was succeeded by Shargani- 
SHARRi, whose father, Itti-Eilil, may have been 
an elder brother of Naram-Sin. His existence was 
first made known by the publication of a magnificent 
cylinder-seal of Ibni-sharru, an official in his service. 
Then a mace-head, which he dedicated to Shamash 
at Sippara, was discovered. At Nippur were found 
brick stamps and a door socket bearing his name, and 
showing that he built at the great temple of EUil 

At Telloh, De Sarzec unearthed a number of 
tablets dated by events in this reign. We leam of 
a successful repulse of an attack by Elam and 
Zakhara upon Opis and Sakli. He reached Mount 
Basar , in Amurru . He laid the foundations of temples 
for Anunitum and Amal in Babylon. He captured 
Sharlak, king of Gutium. He made expeditions to 
Ereoh and Naksu. 

The same tablets bear eloquent witness to the 
activity of commerce throughout the Empire. Not 
only were consignments of gold and silver, herds of 
oxen, flocks of small cattle, sent from Lagash to 
Akkad, but grain and dates came to Lagash thence. 
Lagash was in continual communication with Erech, 
Umma, Ninni-esh, Adab, Nippur, Kish, and Ur. 


Goods from Magan and Melukhkha on the West, 
and Elani on the East, slaves from Gutium and 
Amurru, the perpetual coming and going of 
messengers, or even patesis, from those cities, 
evidence a strong government and rich imports. 
• The Chronicle of Kish next names Aba-ilu, 
followed by Ili-idinnam, Imi-ilu, Nanum-sharru, and 
Ilu-lugar, who together reigned 3 years. Dudu 
reigned 21 years, and his son, Shuqarkib, 12. The 
dynasty of twelve kings ruled for 197 years. 
Supremacy then once more shifted to the South. 

The II. Dynasty of Erech furnished five kings : 
Ur-nigin, 3 years ; Ur-ginar, 6 years ; Kudda, 6 years ; 
Basha-ili, 5 years ; Ur-Shamash, 6 years; who reigned 
26 years in all. As yet we have recovered none of 
their monuments. The dynasty at Erech fell, and 
the rule passed to " the army of Gutium." 

Conquest by Gutium. — Among the lamentations, 
which the conquest of Babylonia by the Greeks 
caused the inhabitants of that land to transcribe 
from ancient literature, doubtless as vividly ex- 
pressing their own feeUngs at the time, is one 
dated in 287 B.C. It refers to the woes undergone 
by Babylonia at the hands of the Quti, or men of 
Gutium. Many cities were reduced to direst misery, 
described in finely poetic language. Among them 
are Erech, Akkad, Larak, Kharshag-kalama, Kesh, 
Dunnu, Nippur, Diir-ilu, and Mash. 


A date in the time of Lugal-annatum, " the year 
when SiUM, king of Gutium," did some great deed, 
may provisionally be placed here. 

Whether we ought to speak of a dynasty of 
Gutium depends somewhat upon the length of time 
during which this foreign country was able to hold 
sway. As yet we only know of one ruler of this 

A king of Gutium, also of unknown date, called 
Laserab, has left a ceremonial mace-head, found at 
Sippara, and inscribed in Semitic. 

Another ruler, Enrida-pizir, claims to be " king of 
Gutium, king of the four quarters." By its style 
the inscription may belong to this period, and as it 
was found at Nippur this king may have ruled there. 

Of yet another king, by name Sarati-gubisin, 
who reigned over Umma, we may conjecture that 
he too was a king of Gutium, but even that is not 



The monuments found at Lagash give us the names 
of a number of rulers whose order and connection 
are quite uncertain. In the time of Naram-Sin, 
Ur-£ and Ur-Babbar were patesis of Lagash, Lugal- 
ushum-gal was patesi under Shargani-sharri, and 
Lugal-bur was a contemporary of the dynasty. 

Palaeographical considerations decide us in placing 
somewhat later a number of other patesis of Lagash, 
such as Basha-Mama, Ugme, and Ur-Mama, known 
from inscriptions or seals giving their names and 
titles. Somewhat later, Ur-Bau, also patesi of 
Lagash, has left a statue and inscriptions recording 
the building of temples. He also constructed 
extensive irrigation works for the district of Gu-edin. 
This revival may mark the recovery from the sway 
of Gutium. 

Ur-Bau was perhaps succeeded by Ur-gar, for 
whose life a daughter of Ur-Bau dedicated a female 
statuette. Nammakhani, patesi of Lagash, married 
Ningandu, who, with his own mother, Nin-kagina, 
daughter of Ka-azag, dedicated votive offerings for 



his life and theirs. Ka-azag was a patesi of Lagash. 
Nammakhani built several temples. Galu-Bau, 
Galu-Gula, and Ur-Ninsun also were patesis about 
this time. 

The greatest of aU the Lagash patesis, whose 
power and magnificent works rival those of any 
king, was Gudea. Under his rule it is clear that 
Lagash enjoyed a considerable measure of autonomy. 
His monuments are by far the most numerous and 
splendid of those yet unearthed at Telloh. His 
inscriptions, placed upon twelve statues of black 
diorite, on clay cylinders — two of great length, on 
bricks, nails, vases, mace-heads, a lion, various 
statuettes, plaques and cylinder-seals, form a great 
mass of materials for the history of his reign. They 
are chiefly concerned with his great buildings. The 
magnificence with which he adorned his city is 
described in a free and vivid style, and fully corro- 
borated by the extensive remains already excavated. 
A celebrated statue represents him as an architect, 
seated with the plan of fi-ninnft, the great temple of 
Ningirsu, placed upon his knees. For his buildings 
he laid under contribution a remarkably wide range 
of countries. Cedar beams, fifty or sixty cubits 
long, were brought from the Amanus range. From 
Umanu, a mountain of Menna, and from BasaUu in 
Amurru, he procured blocks of stone for his stelae. 
From Tidanum, a mountain in Amurru, he had 


Statue of Gudea 


marble sent. His copper came from Kagalad, a 
mountain in Kimash. From Melukha he obtained 
wood, and gold dust from Khakhu. Asphalt came 
from Madga, and fine stone from Barship on the 
Euphrates was carried down in great boats. 

The Ust gives a vivid picture of the commercial 
connections of Lagash with Syria, Arabia, and 
Elam. Gudea states that his god, Ningirsu, had 
opened the ways for him from the Upper to the 
Lower Sea, i.e. from the Mediterranean to the 
Persian GuK. 

Gudea was a son-in-law of Ur-Bau. 

From dated tablets we learn that Gudea was 
succeeded by his son, Ue-Ningirsu. He has left a 
ceremonial mace-head dedicated to Ningirsu, which 
states his father to have been Gudea, and himself 
to have been potest of Lagash. He extensively 
rebuilt the temple fi-ninnii and other buildings 
in Lagash. He reigned at least three years. 

Dynasty of Ur. — It is not clear what led Ur 
to disentangle itself from the debris of fallen states 
and gradually assume the supremacy over the 
whole of the South, but the enfeeblement of the 
older kingdoms by the invaders from Gutium and 
the influx of Semitic folk may weU have assisted. 
At any rate the Semites rose to high position in the 
service of the Sumerian rulers. 

Ur-Engur, first king of the dynasty, reigned 


eighteen years. Starting as king of Ur, he soon 
annexed Erech, Larsa, Lagash, and Nippur. At 
Ur he rebuilt the temple of Nannar the Moon-god, 
and repaired the city wall. At Erech he rebuilt 
the temple of Ninni and installed his own son as 
high priest. At Larsa he rebuilt the temple of the 
Sun-god. At Nippur he rebuilt the great temple 
of EUil. At Lagash he dug a canal in honour of 
Nannar of Ur to serve as a boundary ditch. He 
claims to have administered justice in accordance 
with the laws of Shamash. So far his reign was 
peacefully employed in gathering resources and 
consoUdation. One note of aggression Ues in the 
year-name, " in which Ur-Engur the king went 
from the lower to the upper country." It may 
point to a royal progress to receive the submission 
of the North, or may hint at conquest. 

DuNGi, son of Ur-Engur, succeeded him on the 
throne. A late Babylonian Chronicle states that 
Dungi sacked Babylon and carried off the treasures 
of £-sagila. This event may have fallen before 
his thirteenth year. The Date-hst will furnish the 
skeleton of his annals. In the thirteenth year the 
foundation of the temple of Ninib was laid, probably 
in Nippur. In his sixteenth the procession Bark 
of Ninlil, goddess of Nippur, was repaired. In his 
seventeenth year Dungi installed Nannar in his 
temple at Karzida, near Nippur. Next year a 


royal palace seems to have been completed. So 
far Dungi appears to have chiefly concerned him 
self with Nippur. In his nineteenth year, Kadi, 
the city god of Dur-ilu, was installed in his temple 
there. Next year the city god of Kazallu was 
similarly restored to his temple. In his twenty- 
first year another royal residence was completed. 
Next year Nannar of Nippur was installed in his 
temple. In his twenty- third year the high priest 
of Anna was designated by an oracle to be high 
priest of Nannar in Nippur. Thus Dungi united 
in his own person two of the highest priestly 
dignities in the land. In his twenty-fourth year 
the nuptial couch for NinUl, goddess of Nippur, 
was constructed, and next year Dungi became 
high priest of Ur, thus carrying on his pohcy of 
centralisation. In his twenty-sixth a very re- 
markable step was taken. Dungi 's daughter, 
Niugmidashu, was exalted to be lady of Markhashi. 
This district is thought to have lain in Elam, but 
may be Mar'ash, in Northern Syria. She is 
apparently sole ruler over her district. Next year 
the city Ubara was restored. The date of the 
twenty-eighth year records that the men of Ur 
were enrolled as long-bow archers. In the twenty- 
ninth year the god Ninib became patesi of Ellil. 
Although Nippur had its patesis in the early part 
of the reign, it was a stroke of genius to replace 


the human pcUesi by the war-god Ninib. Next 
year Ellil and Nmhl were again honoured. 

So far we have watched Dungi's masterly pohcy 
of consohdation and concUiation. Now, secure at 
home, he set out on a career of conquest. In his 
thirty-fourth year Gankhar, in Elam, was raided. 
Next year Simurum was attacked and again the 
year after. Kharshi was raided in his thirty-seventh 
year. Then Dungi was made High Priest of Eridu. 

In the Babylonian Chronicle K 1 we are told that 
Dungi cared greatly for Eridu, which still lay on 
the sea. His own inscriptions mention his build- 
ing at the temple of Enki there. 

Again Dungi turned his attention to Elam. In 
his fortieth year the patesi of Anshan married the 
king's daughter. Next year Gankhar was raided 
again. The attack was repeated next year, and 
Simurum was raided a third time. In the forty- 
fourth year Anshan was raided. In the forty- 
sixth year Nannar of Karzida was installed the 
second time. Dungi next built the wall Bad- 
mada. In the forty-ninth a temple of Dagan was 
built, possibly at Drehem, the chief cattle-market 
of Nippur. 

After this period of recuperation Dungi raided 
Shashru, in Elam, in the fifty-second year. Next 
year the Crown Prince was the High Priest of 
Nannar. In the fifty-fourth year Simurum and 


Lulubum were raided for the ninth time. Next 
year Urbillum was raided, and with it Simurum, 
Lulubum, and Gankhar were again attacked. In 
the fifty-sixth year Kimash, Khumurti and their 
lands were ravaged. No new event is recorded 
next year, but in the fifty-eighth year Kharshi, 
Khumurti, and Kimash were raided. 

From his own inscriptions we learn further that 
he was a great builder. The temple of Nergal at 
Kutha, the temple of Ninni at Erech, the temple 
of Nannar at Ur, were rebuilt or enlarged by him. 
The great wall of Erech, two ro3^al palaces at 
Ur, the temple at Lagash, and temples of Nin^ 
and Nin-mar there were built. He introduced 
standards of weight ; examples have been found 
which state that they had been tested in the weigh- 
house of Nannar at Ur, in his time. 

Bur-Sin, Gimil-EUil, Nadi and Ursin are known 
as his sons, and two daughters, Shat-Sin and Niug- 

Dungi was succeeded by his son, Bur-Sin I., 
who reigned nine years. In his second year he 
raided Urbillum. In his third year he honoured 
Nippur by making a great throne for Ellil. Next 
year the exalted High Priest of Anna, Bur-Sin, 
was invested High Priest of Nannar, and the year 
following High Priest of the great Sanctuary of 
Inuina. In his sixth year Shashru was raided, 


in the seventh year Khukhnuri was raided. Next 
year Bur-Sin was made High Priest of Eridii, and 
the year following High Priest of Nannar of 

From his own inscriptions we know that he added 
to the great temple fikur in Nippur, built a store- 
house there, added to the temple of Nannar at Ur, 
improved that of Enki at Eridu, and rebuilt part 
of the temple of Ninni at Erech, His reign over 
Susa is attested by documents dated in his reign. 
From Drehem we learn that in his fourth year he 
had raided Shashru and Shurutkhu, and in his 
seventh destroyed the cities Bibrabium and 

Gimil-Sin, Gimil-Ishtar, and Dungi-rama were 
his sons. 

GiMiL-SiN II., his son, succeeded Bflr-Sin, and 
reigned nine years. In his second year the Bark 
of the " Antelope of the Deep," a title of Enki of 
Eridu, was made. Next year he raided Simanum, 
in Elam. In his fourth year he built the B^d- 
Martu, or " Wall of the West," called Muriq-Tidnim 
or " Warden of the Tidnim." In his sixth year 
a great stela was erected to the honour of EUil. 
In the seventh year the land of ZabshaU was raided. 
We also know that during this dynasty the daughter 
of the king of Ur, called Tukin-khatti-migrisha, 
married a patesi of Zabshali. Next year a great 


bark was built for Ellil and Ninlil. In the ninth 
year he built a temple for the city god of Umma. 
From his own inscriptions we further learn that he 
built a temple for Nannar at Ur. Lugal-magurri, 
patesi of Ur and commander of its fortress, built 
a temple there for the worship of Gimil-Sin himself. 
A brick of his was found at Susa. 

Gimil-Sin was succeeded by his son, Ibi-Sin, 
who reigned twenty-five years. An Omen tablet 
states that he was carried captive to Anshan. We 
may conclude that an Elamite invasion put an end 
to the dynasty of Ur. It may have been the same 
invasion as that in which Kudur-nankhundi, king 
of Elam, carried off the image of the goddess Nana 
from Erech, which Ashur-banipal restored after 
his capture of Susa about 650 B.C. The Assyrian 
king reckoned that it had been captive for 1635 
years. This would place the fall of this Dynasty 
of Ur 2285 B.C. From dated documents we know 
that Ibi-Sin had raided Elam, attacking Simurum. 

Ibi-Sln left a son, Nitamu, but the supremacy 
passed to Isin after his father's death, and he never 
reigned. We also know of Ur-Ninsun, Nabi-Sin, 
and Nabi-EUil as king's sons, but not which king 
was father of any one of them. 

The thousands of commercial documents, temple 
accounts, cyhnder-seals, and smaller inscriptions 
from the ancient cities of Lagash, Umma, Nippur, 


Drehein, and far off Susa, which have been edited 
of late years, throw considerable hght upon the 
extent of territory ruled by the kings of Ur at this 
period. Most of the cities under their rule were 
governed by patesis, and we have recovered the 
names of many of these rulers. As the list 
approaches completion we may obtain data for 
marking the spread of Semitic influence. Far from 
the population being predominently Sumerian 
in the South, we witness the rise of Semites to the 
highest offices, even in the very homes of Sumerian 
culture and language. 

A most striking example is Warad-Nannar, 
who, as early as the fifty-seventh year of Dungi, 
was sukkal-makh, or Grand Vizier and patesi of 
Lagash. His own Semitic inscriptions state that 
he also became priest of Enki at Eridu ; viceroy of 
Uzargashana, Bashime, Timat-EUil, Urbillum, and 
Nishar ; patesi of Sabum, Al-Gimil-Sin, Hannah 
and Gankhar ; regent of the Sii folk and of Kardaka, 
but still the humble servant of Gimil-Sin. At Lagash 
he built largely at the temple of Girsu. His power 
lasted into the third year of Ibi-Sin. His father, 
Urdunpa6, and his grandfather, Lani, both Su- 
merians, had been Grand Viziers before him, as he 
was under four kings of the dynasty. He claimed 
to have conquered Khamazi. 

These documents further show the perpetual 


interchange of products and goods between the 
cities of the Empire down to Dilmun in the Persian 
Gulf and up to Mari, high on the Euphrates. The 
so-called Cappadocian tablets, about which so many 
speculations have been indulged, prove to be dated 
in the reign of Ibi-Sin, king of Ur. The language 
then written, and probably also spoken, in Cap- 
padocia was Semitic Babylonian. The style of 
writing persisted there till it was adopted by the 
Hittites of the fifteenth century B.C., and used in 
their correspondence with Assyria, Babylonia, and 
Eg3rpt, We have then to conclude that the kings 
of Ur not only fetched cedar and other products 
from the Lebanon, but ruled far into Asia Minor 

Dynasty of Isin. — Isin is frequently mentioned 
as subject to the kings of Ur ; and it probably 
suffered the same fate. The revival of power after 
the Elamite invasion is marked by the rise of a new 
dynasty, largely Semitic in its complexion. We 
have seen reason to suspect that the ruling class in 
Elam was now largely Semitic. 

The dynastic list from Nippur gives the dynasty 
of Isin as sixteen kings who reigned in all 225 years. 
Their bond of union is that Isin continued to be 
the capital for that period, but there were at least 
two breaks in the succession. 

The first king, Ishbi-Ubra, reigned thirty- two 


years. An Omen text speaks of him as " a king 
without rivals." His son, Gimil-ilishu, reigned 
ten years. Idin-Dagan, his son, reigned twenty- 
one years. A fragmentary inscription found at 
Sippara suggests that his rule included the North. 
A contemporary hymn shows that he built at 
Nippur. Another hymn from Sippara is addressed 
to him as a god. His son, Ishme-Dagan, succeeded, 
and reigned twenty years. A brick found at Ur 
gives his titles as King of Isin, Sumer and Akkad, 
Lord of Erech, benefactor of Ur, Nippur and Eridu. 
Numerous bricks found at Nippur attest his build- 
ings there. Libit-Ishtar, his son, reigned eleven 
years and bore the same titles as his father. 

In the time of Libit-Ishtar, or on his death, Ur 
appears to have thrown ofif the yoke of Isin and 
combined with Larsa to form an independent 
kingdom. A brother of his, Enannatum III., 
High Priest of Sin at Ur, for the preservation of 
his life and that of Gungunu, king of Ur, rebuilt 
the temple of Shamash at Larsa, doubtless de- 
stroyed [in the Elamite invasion. Now Gungunu 
himself rebuilt the great wall of Larsa, and claimed 
to be king of Larsa, Sumer, and Akkad. At this 
time Isin must have ceased to be capital of Baby- 
lonia. The death of Gungunu is used to date a 
tablet from Larsa. Itwas long believed that 
Gungunu preceded Ur-Engur, and hence that ruler's 


dynasty was called the second dynasty of Ur. 
Another early king of Ur, Sumu-ilu, may have 
reigned about this time. Abba-dugga, son of 
Urukagina II., dedicated a steatite dog to the 
goddess of Isin for Sumu-ilu's life. The name of 
Sumu-ilu suggests Amorite affinities. 

The dynastic list, however, does not name either 
Gungunu or Sumu-ilu, but passes directly to the 
next king of Isin, without at all suggesting any 
interval. Ur-Ninib, whom it names next, reigned 
twenty-eight years. He does not seem to have 
been related to the family which had governed Isin 
for ninety-four years. He claims to be king of Isin, 
Sumer and Akkad, Lord of Erech, benefactor of 
Nippur, Ur and Eridu. He had then won back his 
predecessors' kingdom. His son, Bur-Sin II,, 
succeeded him, and reigned twenty-one years, with 
the same titles as his father. He built the wall 
of Isin. His son, Iter-bXsha succeeded, and 
reigned five years. He seems to have died without 
issue, for his brother, Urra-imitti, succeeded him, 
and reigned seven years. A late Babylonian 
Chronicle K 1 relates that, having no issue, he 
nominated EUil-bani, his gardener, to succeed him. 
After placing the crown on Ellil-bani's head, he 
died an obscure death, whether by accident or 
treachery is not clear. In the History of Agathias 
the story is told of Beleous and Beletaras, supposed 


to be Assyrian kings. Sm-iKiSHA disputed the 
succession, and held the throne for six months. He 
named one year as that in which he made an image 
of gold and silver for Shamash. Ellil-bani, " the 
gardener," succeeded after Sin-ikisha's suppression, 
and reigned twenty-four years. An inscription 
of his puts his benefits to Nippur in the first place, 
which, as well as his name, suggests a connection 
with that city. His titles imply rule over Isin, 
Sumer and Akkad, Erech, Nippur and Ur. He 
built a great wall at Isin, called after himself. 

The next king, Zambia, reigned for three years, 
but apparently was no connection of Ellil-bani's. 
Two kings followed, whose names are not yet re- 
covered with certainty, and reigned five and four 
years respectively. 

Sm-MAom reigned eleven years. He ruled over 
Babylon, where he dedicated a votive offering. 
He was king of Isin, Sumer and Akkad. Some 
think that his omission of Ur was due to the fact 
that it had again become independent under 

Damki-ilishu I., his son, reigned twenty-three 
years. Damki-ilishu built a wall of Isin, and his 
rule was perhaps acknowledged in Sippara. He 
also built the temple of Shamash in Babylon, and 
ruled at Nippur. At any rate, in the beginning of 
his reign, he still ruled both North and South Baby- 


Ionia, and claimed to be king of Sumer and Akkad. 
Simmash-shipak later claimed descent from him. 

The capture of Isin by Sin-mubalHt in his seven- 
teenth year is thought by some to have put an 
end to this dynasty. Rim-Sin, king of Larsa, also 
captured Isin, and his capture was so noteworthy 
that an era was dated by it. Assuming that the 
end of the Isin era of thirty years coincided with 
the thirty-first year of Hammurabi, Isin may have 
fallen as a dynasty about the beginning of his 
reign. The question, however, is stiU most ob- 
scure ; and the end of this dynasty may really have 
preceded the rise of the First Dynasty of Babylon. 

The Amorites, or AmurrCi people as they called 
themselves, were a branch of the West Semites, 
who had for a long time been setthng in Babylonia. 
It is generally believed that they had already 
possessed themselves of great parts of Syria and 
Palestine, where Hebrew tradition records their 
presence. It is by no means certain that those 
who settled in Babylonia arrived there from the 
West through Mesopotamia. They may have 
been a branch who came into Babylonia while their 
brethren settled in the West. At any rate Hebrew 
tradition represents Abraham as migrating from 
Babylonia to the West, doubtless under pressure 
of the Elamite invasion of the South, 

It was in the North that the Amorites succeeded 


in gaining supremacy, and infused such energy as 
to lead to the rise of the powerful empire of Babylon 
over both Sumer and Akkad. It is clear that the 
Amorites had made a great impression on the 
South under the kings of Ur and Isin, if they did 
not actually furnish several kings of the latter 
dynasty. But in the North the Semite was 
already predominant, and fusion was more imme- 
diate and complete. 

Before the rise to power of the First Dynasty of 
Babylon, affairs in the North had been very un- 
settled. Perhaps the triumphs of the South had 
weakened the city states, and when the Elamite 
invasion broke the power of Isin and placed the sons 
of Kudur-Mabug on the throne of Larsa, the North 
was no longer united by a strong over-lord. At 
any rate we find independent kings at Kish and 
Sippara contemporary with the first kings of Baby- 
lon, Sumu-abu and Sumu-la-ilu. We cannot yet 
disentangle the chronology, but starting with Kish 
we note the rise of Amorites there. 

AsHDUNi-EEiM, king of ELish, has left a small 
clay cone, now in the Louvre, written in Semitic, 
which narrates that when the four quarters of the 
world revolted, he fought without success against 
the enemies for eight years until his own army was 
reduced to 300 men. Then Zamama, his lord, and 
Ninni, his lady, came to his succour, and in forty 


days he subdued the land of the foe. Then he 
rebuilt the great wall of Kish. We may assume 
that he had succeeded to a wide kingdom, but 
except by style and script we cannot date him, nor 
do we know who was his obstinate foe. Possibly 
the Amorite invaders, possibly Rim-Anum ; and 
he may be even earlier. 

A Third Dynasty op Kish overlapped the First 
Dynasty of Babylon. At present only a few kings 
are known, and they only from contracts dated at 
Kish in their reigns. When they use the same 
year-names as Sumu-abu or Sumu-la-ilu we may 
suppose them vassals of these kings of Babylon, 
but when they use dates commemorating their 
own deeds, they surely claimed independence. 
They may be subject to the kings of Kazallu. 

Khalium dug the canal Me-Ellil, and reigned at 
least three years before Sumu-abu's third year. 

SuMU-DiTANA built the walls of Ma and Karash, 
and reigned at least three years. A later king, 
Japium, records his death, so probably he was 

MananI used his own dates for seven years. 
He came to the throne later than the third year 
of Sumu-abu, and made a tambourine or drum 
for the temple of Nannar of Ur, whose worship 
seems to have been imported into Kish. He also 
honoured Shamash, and set up a great bronze statue 


of himself. Later he uses a dating which ascribes 
the conquest of Kazallu to Sumu-abu. This 
took place in that king's thirteenth year when 
MananA, must have been an ally or vassal. As his 
name occurs as co-regent with Japium that king 
must have immediately succeeded him. 

Japium set up a bronze statue of himself, dedi- 
cated a crown for his god, dug a canal for Kish, 
made a tambourine for Zamama, each in a separate 
year, and chose his own dates for nine years at 
least. He reigned stQl as a vassal in the fifth year 
of Sumu-la-Uu, who captured Kish in his thirteenth 
year. Alisadu appears to have ruled along with 
him at the end of his reign, and so may be his im- 
mediate successor. Manium was also one of the 
kings of this dynasty, but it is not possible yet to 
assign him a position. It was long ago pointed 
out that several kings, reigning at Sippara, were 
contemporaries of the kings of the First Dynasty 
of Babylon. 

BuNUTAKHTUNLLA bore the title of king and used 
his own date formula at one time. Later he is 
associated with Sumu-la-ilu as ally or vassal. 

Immerum was also associated with Sumu-la-ilu. 
Yet he used his own dates, from which we learn 
that he honoured Shamash and dug the Ashukhu 
canal. He has been identified with Nftr-Adad of 
Larsa, but this can hardly be the case. 


Ilu-ma-ila I. was a contemporary of both Sumu- 
la-ilu and his son, Apil-Sin, He seems to have been 
a mere puppet, and must not be confused with the 
first king of the Sealand. 

Naram-Sin II. ruled about this period, probably 
independently, and built a shrine for his god ; but 
it is stiU impossible to assign him a date. 

Manabaltel also ruled some city in the North 
about this time, but no more is known of him. 

In the South we have an equally difficult task to 
arrange the rulers before the First Dynasty ex- 
tended its sway over that area. 

RIm-Anum reigned at least eight years as a great 
conqueror. In one year-name he commemorates 
the capture of Erech and its people ; in another 
that of Emutbalum : on a tablet, for long the 
only record of his existence, he enumerates his 
conquests as Emutbalum, Ashnunnak, Isin, and 
Kazallu. The text, written in Sumerian, may be 
only a year-name, but it would be a surprising 
record of conquest for one year. Many tablets 
dated in his reign are concerned with slaves, ob- 
viously captives in war. Many of these were 
Asiru, who bear West Semitic names and were under 
a separate overseer. These people also appear in 
inscriptions of Sin-muballit, and Pukhia, king of 
Khurshitu, near the Aksu, a tributary of the Adhem, 
was of their race. The Amurrfi also often occur 


and had a separate overseer. The captives came 
from Babylon, Isin, Sarabi, Siiri, Ashnunnak, 
Gutium, Sippar, Kar-Shamash, Larsa, £l-abba, 
Karab, Kisurra, and Kish. Some of the slaves he 
retained, others were sent back to their homes. 
We must regard him then as a great conqueror, 
and there is not room for his operations after the 
First Dynasty came into power. The records aU 
come from Kish, where he certainly ruled, but which 
of the cities above enumerated was his capital does 
not appear. 

A number of kings ruled at Larsa and Ur. We 
have noticed Gungunum and Sumu-ilu. 

The explorations of W. K. Loftus in 1853 at the 
mounds of Warka, the ancient Erech, and at Senkereh, 
the ancient Larsa, have been already noted. He 
sent a few workmen across the Shatt-el-Kar to 
explore the mounds of Tell-Sifr. They discovered 
over a hundred well-preserved unbaked clay 
tablets, now in the British Museum. Being still 
in their clay envelopes these excited great interest 
at the time. They were dated in the reigns of 
Hammurabi, Samsu-iluna, Rim-Sin, Nfic-Adad 
and Sin-idinnam. They were records of the business 
of one family which grew from small beginnings to 
be large estate owners. These kings must there- 
fore be closely related in date. Some of them have 
left monuments of their own. These so-called 


Warka tablets have proved most valuable material 
for history. They fix the following sequence of 
kings : — 

N^R-ADAD, on a votive cone, caUs himself king 
of Larsa and shepherd of Ur. He built an annex 
to the great temple of the Moon-god at Ur. He 
further made a throne for Shamash at Larsa, and 
reigned at least five years. His son gives him the 
title king of Sumer and Akkad. 

SiN-iDiNNAM, his son, succeeded as king of Larsa, 
Sumer and Akkad. He claimed rule over Ur. 
He dug out the Tigris canal, built D(ir-gurgurri, 
a great fortress on it. He boasted of his victory 
over aU his foes ; built temples at Larsa, Ur, Adab ; 
and a great wall at Mashgan-shabri. He reigned 
at least six years. No long interval can have 
separated his reign from that of Rim-Sin. 

Kudur-Mabug, son of Shimti-Shilkhak, who 
both bear Elamite names, calls himself " overseer 
of the Amurrd." It is clear that an Elamite in- 
vasion had placed this ruler of Emutbalum, once 
conquered by Rim-Anum, over the whole South. 
He claims to have rebuilt at Ur the same annex 
of the Moon-god temple which Nflr-Adad had 
erected. This was done for his own life and for 
that of Warad-Sin, his son, whom he calls king of 

Warad-Sin himself adopts the old style of Nftr 


Adad and Sin-idinnam, " king of Larsa, king of 
Sumer and Akkad who cares for Ur." While his 
father seems to have retired to his ancestral do- 
mains, Warad-Sin built a great wall at Ur, temples 
at Nippur, Ur, Larsa, Eridu, Girsu, Lagash, 
Khallab and other cities, usually for his father's 
Hfe as well as his own. He must have reigned at 
least four years. He may be the Eri-aku of the 
Kudurlakhamar Legends and the Biblical Arioch 
of Grenesis xiv. 

R!M-SrN was also son of Kudur-Mabug and 
brother of Warad-Sin. In his early inscriptions 
he speaks of his father as stiU aUve. He was then 
prince of Nippur, protector of Ur, king of Larsa, 
king of Sumer and Akkad, while his father was 
ruler of Emutbalum. He soon was able to extend 
his power. Sin-mubaUit, in his fourteenth year, 
defeated the army of Ur, doubtless led by Rim- 
Sin, and in his seventeenth year captured the city 
of Isin. Here he probably left Damki-ilishu, the 
last king of the Isin dynasty, as a vassal. Soon 
after, perhaps at Sin-mubaUit's death, Rim-Sin was 
able to capture Isin, and for a long while, thirty 
years at least, the South of Babylonia continued to 
date by anniversaries of its fall. His rule was 
acknowledged at Larsa, Lagash, Nippur, Erech, 
in this period. Hammurabi does not seem to have 
crossed swords with Rim-Sin all this while, but in 


Votive Figure of Warad-Sin 


his thirtieth year Hammurabi repelled an Elamite 
attack. Whether Rim-Sin sided with the Elamites 
or was Aveakened by them is not clear, but next 
year Hammurabi signally defeated Rim-Sin, whom 
he styles simply king of Emutbalum. Gradually the 
whole of Rim-Sin's dominions fell into the hands 
of Hammurabi. Samsu-iluna retained possession 
of the South till his eighth year, but the invasion 
of Babylonia by the Kassites next year evidently 
gave Rim-Sin an opportunity of which he made 
good use. In his tenth year Samsu-iluna defeated 
Rim-Sin and his aUies, the Idamaraz, capturing 
Emutbalum as well as Erech and Isin. According 
to Chronicle K 1, Samsu-iluna put Rim-Sin to death 
at this time. Many identify Rim-Sin with Arioch. 
Beside his Isin era of thirty years Rim-Sin used 
the old method of dating for at least eight years, 
one or two of which fall after the eighth year of 
Samsu-iluna, but six must fall before the reign of 
Hammurabi. He can hardly then have reigned 
less than fifty-nine j'-ears in all. These year-names 
cannot be arranged chronologically with any 
certainty. He dug out the Euphrates bed, doubt- 
less near Nippur, to the South. He cleared the course 
of the Tigris, or possibly the Shatt-el-Hai, down to 
the sea coast. He brought into the temple of the 
Sun-god at Larsa two bronze images representing 
himself in the attitude of worship. He restored 


the temple of Ea at Ur. He further dug a canal 
at Nippur. These five events probably mark five 
years before the conquest of Isin. The year when 
he smote down with his mace the army of Erech, 
the year when he captured Kisurra and destroyed 
Dftr-ilu, and the year when he captured Nazarum 
and destroyed the walls of Asida may belong to 
the revival of his power in the South, but more 
hkely to his earher campaigns. During his power 
in the South he was an active restorer of temples 
and city walls. He married Simti-Ninni, daughter 
of Warad-Nannar. 

We have passed in review the kingdoms which 
were partly contemporary with the great First 
DjTiasty of Babylon, to which we now turn as the 
rival that finally conquered and absorbed them aU. 
So doing it came in contact with the rising power 
of the Sealand kings, whom we shall meet later. 

Although these kings of the South had arrogated 
to themselves the proud title of kings of Suraer and 
Akkad, the latter was clearly an empty title, since 
Rim-Anum's time, for there can have been little 
power in their hands in the North. 



This name was early given, because the Babylonian 
Lists of Kings began with this dynast}^ and it was 
there described as "of Babylon." The lists of 
year-names, as well as the Kings' Lists, attest the 
presence at its head of one Sumu-abum, whom we 
may regard as having founded the dynasty. While 
the throne descended from father to son after him, 
the later kings merely claim descent from his 
successor, Sumu-la-ilu, and that king appears to 
have been no relation of his. 

If Sumu-abum was the victorious chief of an 
invading swarm of Amorites we have as yet no 
record of his conquest of Babylon. We know 
nothing of the kings of Babylon who preceded him. 
We have seen that men of his own race had formed 
a kingdom at Kish, and with them he warred. It 
seems that in a still obscure period the Amorites had 
swarmed into Northern Babylonia, deposed the 
local princes, sporadically founded new dynasties. 
Among these, Sumu-abum, by his own talents or 
by the larger number of Amorites under command, 
forced Babylon into predominance over its neigh- 



hours. How far the resources it akeady possessed 
had fitted it for this position, we do not know. 

It is practically certain that Babylon did not 
become the metropolis of the empire by accident, 
nor did the Amorite dynasty arise by magic, but 
the history which explains its rise is as yet without 
record, and we must take up the story where we can 
read it in the inscriptions that have come down to 

We are almost entirely dependent ipon the date 
list for our knowledge of Sumu-abum's reign. From 
Chronicle K 1 we learn that Sumu-abum warred 
with Ilu-shumma, king of Assyria. 

In his third year he built the wall of the city 
Kibalbarru, near Babylon. Next year the temple 
of Ninisinna was built there. Next year a temple of 
Nannar was built, probably in Babylon. In the eighth 
year a great door of cedar was made for this temple. 

In his ninth year the wall of Dilbat was built. In 
his tenth and eleventh years the dedication of a 
crown of gold for the god lau of Kish served as 
year-name. Next year a garden for the gods was 
constructed. So far the reign appears to have been 
one of peaceful organisation and consoUdation. 

In the thirteenth year, however, war broke out, 
and Kazallu was raided. This event seems to have 
been commemorated also at Kish under its local 
king, but it is ascribed to Sumu-abum. 


That Sumu-abum's contest with Assyria termin- 
ated favourably is probable, and Sumu-la-ilu seems 
to have remained in Assyrian tradition as Sulili, 
whose kingdom was " very early." It is probable, 
then, that Sumu-la-ilu was over-lord of Assyria, 
though it is not named in his reign. 

He commenced his reign with the excavation of 
a canal called the Shamash-khegallu. In his third 
year a certain Khalambft " was defeated." In his 
fifth year the great wall of Babylon was built. The 
seventh, eighth, and ninth years commemorated the 
building of a temple of Adad. In his tenth year he 
destroyed Dunnum, and his sway was acknowledged 
at Lagash. In his twelfth year the canal, Nar-Sumu- 
la-ilu, was dug out. The next five years are dated 
after his capture of Kish. This was undoubtedly a 
great event, for the older kings of Kish had been 
over-lords of real empires. 

In the eighteenth year lakhzcr-ilu abandoned 
Kazallu. Next year the wall of the god lau, at 
Kish, was destroyed. Kazallu was now at the mercy 
of Sumu-la-ilu, and in his twentieth year he destroyed 
its wall and slew its people. In the twenty-second 
year a throne adorned with gold and silver was made 
for the shrine of Marduk. Marduk's consort, 
Zarpanit, was next presented with her image. 
Then in the twenty-fifth year lakhzer-ilu of Kazallu 
was slain. Next year the images of Ninni and Nana 


were made. In the twenty-seventh year the wall 
of Kutha and its temple tower, which had been 
destroyed, were rebuilt. In his twenty-eighth year 
Sumu-la-ilu entered Borsippa. The next year he 
built the wall of Sippara. In the thirtieth year the 
great temple of Zamama, at Kish, was rebuUt. These 
were great advances to have made towards the 
consoUdation of the empire. 

Unfortunately the date lists furnish no further 
certain information. Sumu-la-ilu reigned thirty- 
six years. 

Sumu-la-ilu was succeeded by his son, Zabium. 
In the beginning of his reign he built the wall of 
Kar-Shamash, on the Euphrates. In his eighth 
year he built the great temple of fl-babbar for the 
Sun-god at Sippara. Nabonidus records the finding 
of his foundation-stone there. 

Next year the temple of Ibi-Anum, at Kish, was 
restored. Then fisagila was rebuilt. In his eleventh 
year he made a golden image of himself for the 
temple of the Sun at Sippara. Kazalhi was clearly 
in his possession, for he rebuilt its wall in his twelfth 
year. Next year he dug a canal called the Aabba- 
khegal. His short reign of fourteen years seems to 
have been without warlike operations, but he was 
acknowledged king at Lagash in his eleventh 

Zabium was succeeded by his son, Apil-Sin. In 


his first year this king rebuilt the wall of Borsippa. 
In his second year he built a new great wall for 
Babylon. Next year a throne adorned with gold 
and silver was constructed for the shrine of Shamash. 
In his fourth year he dug out the canal called Nar- 
Sumudari. In his fifth year Apil-Sin built the wall 
of Dftr-miiti. Next year he renewed the great 
temple of N^rgal at Kutha, A throne for Shamash 
was next made, perhaps for Sippara. This was 
followed by a throne adorned with gold and silver. 
A temple to be the dwelUng of Ishtar of Babylon 
and the temple, £-tur-kalamma, were built. In the 
sixteenth year the great eastern gate of Babylon 
was made, followed next year by a throne for the 
shrine of Shamash of Babylon. 

Apil-Sin was succeeded by his son, Sin-muballit, 
who in his first year built the wall of Rubatum. It 
seems probable that B61-dabi, the vassal king of 
Assyria, and his wife, possibly a Babylonian princess, 
visited Babylon this year. In the next year the 
canal, Nar-Sin-muballit, was dug out. Next year an 
altar of incense of gold and precious stones was made 
for Shamash. In his fifth year a shrine was made. 
The wall for the temple tower was next made. In 
the eighth year a canal called the Aia-kh^g.41 was 
dug. In the tenth year Sin-muballit built the wall 
which bore his name. In the eleventh and twelfth 
years Karkar and Marad were waUed. These 


towns lay on the west of the Euphrates, south of 
Borsippa. In the thirteenth year the canal called 
the Tutu-kh6g<41 was dug. 

Babylonia had been peacefully developing, and 
now Sin-mubaUit set out on a career of conquest 
which laid the foundations of an empire. In the 
South, Rim-Sin had put garrisons in the chief towns 
and made Larsa his capital. When, therefore, the 
date hsts record for the fourteenth year of Sin- 
mubaUit that the army of Ur was crushed, we must 
suppose that Rim-Sin suffered a defeat. It was 
followed by the building of the wall of Nanga, and 
then by the dedication of a throne for the shrine of 
Nergal as king of Kutha. In the seventeenth year 
the city of Isin was taken. 

In his eighteenth year Sin-mubaUit built the wall 
of Bazu, on the west of the Tigris, not far from 
Bagdad. Next year was marked by some dedication 
to the gods Sham ash and Adad. It seems hkely 
that the twentieth year was notable for a defeat of 
the army of Larsa, but some authorities put this 
without question as a variant of the defeat of the 
army of Ur in the fourteenth year. 

Sin-muballit was succeeded by his son, Hammurabi, 
the most celebrated king of Babylon who ever lived. 
He is usuallj' identified with Amraphel, king of Shinar, 
named as the ally of Chedorlaomer in Genesis xiv. 

In his second year " he estabhshed the heart of 


Top of Hammurabi's Stele 

(fiode of Laws) 


his land in righteousness/' a phrase which has been 
taken to mean that by his legal reforms he settled 
the country in law and order. But his great Code 
of Laws was not promulgated till much later. His 
reign began peacefully. In his third year he made 
a throne for the shrine of Nannar of Babylon. Next 
year he built a waU for Gagia. Then he built two 
great walls. 

In the seventh year the walls of Erech and Isin 
were taken. In his ninth year Hammurabi dug the 
canal called after his own name, the Hammurabi- 
khegal. In his tenth yearMalgQ, on the Euphrates, 
was destroyed and its people and cattle carried ofiF. 
In this year apparently Shamshi-Adad, son of 
Bel-dabi, vassal king of Assyria, paid his respects in 
Babylon. The next year we find that Rabikum and 
Shalibi were conquered. 

In his twelfth year Hammurabi made a throne 
for Zarpanit, the consort of Marduk. In his four- 
teenth year a throne for Ishtar of Babylon was 
made, and then his image in seven exemplars was 
set up. A throne for Nabu, the image of Ishtar 
of Kibalbarru, a shrine for Ellil of Babylon, 
another great wall, a throne for Adad, the wall 
of Bazu, are events which mark the next six years. 

In his twenty-second year a statue of Hammurabi 
as " king of righteousness " was set up, apparently 
in the temple of Marduk at Babylon. It was before 


this statue that the stele containing his great Code 
was placed. 

In his twenty-third year Hammurabi laid the 
foundation of a wall for Sippara, and after again 
making a shrine for EUil, in his twenty-fifth finished 
the great wall of Sippara. An altar of incense, the 
temple for Adad, an image of Shala, the consoit of 
Adad, mark the next three years. For the thirtieth 
year we have the brief note " the year the army of 
Elam," doubtless indicating their defeat. 

In his thirty-first year Hammurabi met with his 
" crowning mercy." As the fullest form of the date 
sayB, " by the help of Anu and Bel who went before 
his army his hand smote down the land of Emut- 
balum and its king, Rim-Sin." Emutbalum was 
the homeland of Rim - Sin, who does not here 
appear as king of Larsa ; though he probably still 
held that city, Hammurabi would not acknowledge 
his title. 

Next year the army of Ashnunnak was slain with 
the sword. This probably means that Hammurabi 
carried the war into the enemy's land and ravaged 
the borders of Elam. By his thirty- third year 
Hammurabi's rule was acknowledged at Nippur. 

Then once more the great king turned his attention 
to works of peace. A canal was dug to bring joy to 
Ellil. This probably implies that Nippur had opened 
its gates to him. Then he renewed the temple, !£-tur- 


kalamma, for Anu, Ninni and Nana, which looks like 
benefiting Erech. In his thirty-fifth year he rebuilt 
the ruined walls of Mari and MalgO, on the Euphrates 
in the North and on the King's Canal in the extreme 
South. Next he rebuilt the temple of Zamama and 
Ninni at Kish. In his thirty-seventh year he con- 
quered the people of Turukku, and after a flood 
which devastated Ashnunnak claims to have re- 
duced by force of arms all the hostile lands of 
Turukku, Kagmum, and Subartu. In his fortieth 
year he restored the temple of Nergal at Kutha, and 
next year built a great wall on the bank of the 
Tigris and raised its head mountain-high, and called 
its name Kar-Shamash. The same year the wall 
of Rabikurn, on the Euphrates, was rebuilt. A 
canal called Tishid-EUil was dug for the benefit 
of Sippara, but at present its date is uncertain. 
In the forty-third year a great mound was built 
along the moat of Sippara, to the honour of 

In the prologue to the Code, Hammurabi recalls 
the benefits he conferred on his land, naming Nippur 
and Diirilu, on the borders of Elam ; Eridu, Ur, 
Sippara, Larsa, Erech, Isin, Kish, Kutha, Borsippa, 
Dilbat, Lagash, Aleppo (?), Karkar, Mashganshabri, 
Malgu, Mera and Tultul, Agade, Asshur, Nineveh, 
besides the settlements on the Euphrates. 

A few of his inscriptions have been preserved 


which add httle to our knowledge. They record 
his buildings at temples, etc., the digging of the 
Nukhush-mshi canal, at the head of which he built 
a fortress called Dftr-Sin-mubaUit, to perpetuate his 
father's name. 

Samsu-iltjna succeeded his father, Hammurabi, 
and apparently had to face difficulties at once. 
In his first year he made claim to rule over foreign 
lands by force. In the next year " he established 
the freedom of Sumer and Akkad." In his third 
year he dug a canal called after him, and next year 
another. Then he made a golden throne for the 
shrine of Nannar. In his sixth year he made 
pedestals in £-babbar before Shamash, and in 
fisagila before Marduk, and placed upon them 
golden statues representing himself in an attitude 
of prayer. In his seventh year he dedicated to 
Marduk in fisagila a censer and a gold and silver 
mace. Next year he made a brazen stand, repre- 
senting mountains and rivers carrying abundance 
to the lands. 

In his ninth year there occurred an incursion 
of the Kassites. We may gather that they were 
defeated, but next year Samsu-Uuna had to fight 
the Idamaraz, an otherwise unknown people. 
Doubtless they also were crushed, but it was clearly 
a struggle in which Rim-Sin took a hand, for we 
find that Emutbalum was also defeated, Isin and 


Erech probably captured. How long these two 
cities had been alienated is not easy to see, but 
certainly Rim-Sin was acknowledged king in Larsa 
in this year. Chronicle K 1 records the fall of Rim- 
Sin's capital and his capture in his palace. Samsu- 
iluna went on, in his eleventh year, to rebuild the 
waUs of Ur and Erech, which had been destroyed. 
Finally Samsu-iluna subdued aU the lands which 
had revolted from him. Next he chastised and 
subdued Kisurra and Sabum. In his fourteenth 
year he appears as having subdued a pretender 
whom the Akkadians had set up. In his fifteenth 
year he rebuilt the wall of Isin, which had been 
destroyed. Next year he restored the wall of 
Sippara. In his seventeenth year he restored the 
destroyed fortresses in Emutbalum, which he had 
evidently now added to his dominions. 

It was a great achievement to have thus won 
back his father's empire. Henceforward Samsu- 
iluna repaired damages. In his eighteenth year he 
renewed fibabbar, the temple of Shamash in Sippara ; 
next year dedicated two golden thrones for Marduk ; 
made some further dedication next year ; ipade a 
throne for Ningal in the great golden chamber 
which sparkled like the stars of heaven ; next year 
renovated the temple tower for Zamama's temple 
at Kish, thus renewing the chief places of worship 
in the land. 


In his twenty-third year Samsu-iluna destroyed 
the wall of Shakhnfi and the city of Zarkhanum. 
Next year he built a wall for Kish, called " the 
wall whose glory fills the lands," on the Euphrates 
canal, and a wall called after himself on the Arakhtu 
canal. Then his own image was erected repre- 
senting him as smiting down his enemies with his 
mace. In his twenty-sixth year the marvel selected 
to be commemorated was his transport of a huge 
monoHth of basalt from the land of AmurrO, per- 
haps the Amanus range. The chief wonder was 
its size, twenty-two cubits long. Next year a 
great dedication for the New Year Festival took 

Then arose a severe struggle. Two foes whose 
names, ladikhabu and Mftti-khurshana, suggest 
that they were of the Amorite stock, were finaUy 
crushed. In his thirty-first year Samsu-iluna set 
up an image of himself grasping a mace of ghtter- 
ing gold. Next year the canal at Sippara, in the 
thirty-third year the restoration of the city Sag- 
garatum, then a princely door for the temple 
occupied his attention. Events not over clear at 
Amal and Arkum, the army of Amurrft, a trouble 
in Akkad, and finally, in his thirty-eighth year, the 
dedication of a weapon for Ninib, the warrior god, 
are recorded as marking the years of this highly 
successful king. 


In his building inscriptions he records the re- 
storation of six fortresses which had been founded 
by Sumu-la-ilu, " his fifth forefather." In absorb- 
ing the domains of Rim-Sin he became neighbour 
to Ilu-ma-ilu, king of the Sealand, first king of the 
Uru-azagga dynasty. The details of the resulting 
confhct are very obscure, but Chronicle K 1 records 
a siege and a battle in which dead bodies were 
washed away by the sea. Again Samsu-iluna 
attacked Ilu-ma-ilu, but was beaten off, and left 
the struggle to his son. 

Ab^shu' succeeded his father. By a strange 
fatality aU the date lists are so defective that we 
cannot arrange the events of his reign in chrono- 
logical order. We know from dated documents 
many of these events, which were largely of a 
pious nature, such as adorning or restoring temples, 
digging canals, etc. 

The Sealand was now fast rising into power, and 
Ilu-ma-ilu was able to found a dynasty there. 
Abeshu' ineffectually attempted to thwart his 
ambition. The southern people lived amid in- 
accessible swamps, and Abeshu' dammed up the 
Tigris canal in order to penetrate the district, but 
though he was able to defeat Ilu-ma-ilu, that 
king escaped capture. 

Abeshu' built a city, Lukhaia, on the Arakhtu canal, 
but on the whole we are unable to record any very 


noteworthy achievement. He reigned twenty-eight 

An obscure record points to a fresh invasion by 
the Kassites. One of the images Abeshu' set up 
was that of the deified Entemena. Abeshu' was 
succeeded by his son, Ammiditana. The first 
fifteen years of his reign were marked by peaceful 
and pious works, temple adornments, images of 
himself in attitudes of worship, thrones for the 
shrines, while the wall of Kar-Shamash on the 
Euphrates, a waU named after himself along the 
Zilakum canal, are commemorated. Then in his 
seventeenth year he put down a Sumerian rising 
under Arakhab. The great cloister, Gagia, was 
next restored. Again the works of piety and utihty 
went on. The wall, Ishkun-Marduk, on the Zilakum 
canal, may be noted. In his thirty-fourth year an 
image of Samsu-iluna, his ancestor " the warrior 
king," was set up in Kish, actually a century after his 
accession. A waU called after himself along the canal 
Me-EUil was built at Kish. 

The name of his last year has given rise to much 
speculation. It records that he destroyed a wall 
at Bad-ki which the men of Damki-ilishu had built. 
It has been thought that by Bad-ki, the city of Isin 
is intended. Damki-ilishu was the name of the 
third king of the dynasty of the Sealand and also 
of the last king of Isin. This latter was, as we 


know, a contemporary of Hammurabi, and cannot 
be intended here, unless the reference be to a wall 
formerly set up by that king. 

Ammizaduga succeeded his father, Ammiditana. 
The date Hsts give the events of his first sixteen 
years in chronological order, and he appears to 
have reigned twenty-two years in all. None of 
the year-names so far known record any warhke 
operations. Temple adornments, images of him- 
self as worshipping his gods, a wall on the Eu- 
phrates, the inevitable canal, mark a reign peaceful, 
pious, and prosperous. 

Ammizaduga was succeeded by his son, Samsu- 
DiTANA. The existing date lists give us no in- 
formation as to his reign, but the Babylonian List 
of Kings A gives him a reign of thirty-one years, 
and about thirty year-names are known. They are 
mostly of the pious order, dedications of images of 
himself or of the gods, or the construction of thrones 
for shrines. 

Chronicle K 1 states " that in his days the men 
of the land of Khatti marched against the land of 
Akkad." It does not say how the battle went, nor 
in which year of his reign it feU. 

It may well be that this Hittite invasion made 
an end of the First Djniasty of Babylon. We know 
that the capital of the Hittite kingdom was at 
Boghaz-koi, whose old name was Khatti, and that 


about this time the Hittites became lords of Meso- 
potamia, conquering the kings of Mitanni, who 
just previously had conquered Assyria. It may 
weU be that the Kassites were a branch of these 
Hittites. The Kassites are usually supposed to 
have descended into Babylonia, and either con- 
quered the land or gradually risen to power there, 
from the mountain districts where later the 
Assyrian conquerors found them in power. But 
this district itself may have been conquered by 
them at this time, and only formed their retreat in 
later years after their expulsion from Babylonia. 

In any case, we may well suppose that the 
Hittite invasion so weakened Babylonia that it 
fell a prey to the Kassites after no very long 
interval. Marduk was twenty-four years in the 
Hittite land, as we are told by a later hymn. 

The Second Dynasty. — As the Kings' List 
placed a dynasty of kings, called that of Uru- 
azagga, next after the First Dynasty of Babylon, 
it has been usual to suppose that they immediately 
succeeded. But of late years it has become evi- 
dent that they really formed a dynasty of kings 
who primarily ruled the Sealand, and it is doubtful 
whether they ever ruled over North Babylonia 
at all. 

The list is : Ilu-ma-ilu, 60 years ; Kiannibi, 66 
years ; Damki-ilishu II., 26 years ; Ishkibal, 16 


years ; Shushshi, 24 years ; Gulkishar, 55 years ; 
Kirgal-daramash, 50 years ; Adara-kalama, 28 
years ; Akur-ulanna, 26 years ; Melam-kurkurra, 
8 years ; and Ea-gamil, 20 years. There are 
eleven kings with a total duration of 368 

The average length of reign is unusual, and 
would suggest only peaceful development and 
prosperity. The synchronisms between Assyrian 
rulers and the First Dynasty, compared with those 
between later rulers and the Kassite kings, make 
it very difficult to accept the view that 368 years 
lay between the reigns of Samsu-ditana and the 
first Kassite king. But the various attempts 
made to reconcile the data leave such uncertainty 
that we can only say the evidence is not sufficient 
to prove either that this dynasty ruled in Baby- 
lonia, or that, if so, its length of supremacy can be 

There is a remarkable absence of monuments 
of these kings, but a few notices of them have come 
down to us which negative the conclusions drawn 
by some historians that they were either fictitious 
or insignificant. 

Thus we know from the later Babylonian 
Chronicles that Ilu-ma-ilu warred with Samsu- 
iluna and Abeshu'. We have no hint as to the 
fortunes of either state during the last three reigns 


of the First Dynasty, some ninety years, which 
would cover at least the first three years of the 
Sealand kings. We shall note their end later. 
Ammildnabi may be the real name of the second 
king, as it appears on a dated document about this 



The Kassites are frequently named in the Baby- 
lonian contract tablets chiefly as workpeople, 
harvesters, or builders, from the tenth year of 
Hammurabi onwards, at Sippara, Dilbat, and 
Kish. They are registered as in receipt of com 
and drink, probably as rations during their working 
period, and enter into leases of fields on the same 
terms as the native Babylonians down to the reign 
of Samsu-ditana. Presumably the Kassites were 
defeated in the ninth year of Samsu-iluna. 

It is usually considered that the horse was intro- 
duced to the Babylonians by the Kassites, because 
so few references to horses have been found in the 
period of the First Dynasty. 

The names borne by the Kassite kings and their 
people, who formed a not very numerous aristo- 
cracy in Babylonia, although they also appear in 
humbler walks of life, are thought to have marked 
affinities with those of Elamites. There exists a 
small collection of Kassite words, probably com- 
piled with a view to interpreting proper names, 
and a few titles and terms occur scattered through 


the business documents of the period. From these 
scanty remains of their language it is impossible 
definitely to classify them racially or linguistically. 
They have been identified with the Kossaeans and 
the Kissians of Greek writers. They are usually 
called Kassites by modem scholars, with some 
justification, as the Babylonians always named 
them Kashshfi, or in the plural, Kashshi. Senna- 
cherib gave this name to the people whom he con- 
quered in the hills above Holwan, about the sources 
of the Diyala. Earlier Assyrian monarchs record 
their conquests of the Kashshft, to the east of 
their ow» land, in the mountains. 

Very few inscriptions are as yet recovered which 
are of much direct service for history. The Syn- 
chronous History, as far as it concerns this period, 
gives our chief information as to their relations 
with Assyria. The Kings' List A gave a full list of 
the names of thirty-six kings, of which only the 
first six names and the last eleven are preserved. 
It states the total duration of the dynasty to have 
been 676 years and nine months. The numerous 
tablets discovered at Nippur belonging to the end 
of this period have added several names to the list, 
and the patient piecing together of small items of 
information by various scholars has restored many 
more. The most extensive discoveries of late 
have been at Susa under De Morgan, chiefly 


of monuments carried thither by the Elamite 

The Kassites gave the name of Karduniash to 
the territory over which they ruled in the South 
of Babylonia, as against Babylon and Akkad, and 
they early included the Sealand in it. The As- 
syrians regarded it as the name of the whole of 
Babylonia ; but by the time of Sennacherib it 
seems to have been confined to the Sealand. 

Gandash, or Gaddash, the king placed first on 
the ILings' List A, reigned sixteen years. A late 
copy, made in 287 B.C., of an inscription of his 
shows that he claimed to be king of the four quarters, 
king of Sumer and Akkad, king of Babylon. He 
rebuilt the temple of EUil, which had been destroj^ed 
in the capture of Babylon. He calls Nippur his 
city. Agum I. reigned twenty-two years, as did 
Kashtiliash I., but we do not know the lengths of 
reign of the next three kings, Ushshi, Abirattash, 
and Tashshigurumash. 

Agum II., or Agum Kakrime, probably came next. 
An inscription of his, extending to 134 lines in eight 
columns, is in Semitic Babylonian, and begins with 
a genealogy. He names his father, Tashshiguru- 
mash ; his grandfather, Abirattash, son of Kash- 
tihash, the eldest (?) son of Agum the great, who, 
further, was son of Gandash. The omission of 
Ushshi is best explained by supposing him to be 


brother of Kashtiliash I. The Kings' List is thus 
confirmed fully. Agum II. styles himself king of 
the Kassites and Akkadians, king of Babylon, who 
settled with people the land of Ashnunnak, king 
of Padan and Alman, king of Gutium and the 
Saklati folk. He goes on to relate that Marduk 
and his consort, Zarpanit, had been carried away 
to the far-off land of Khani (Mitanni), and Agum, 
after consulting Shamash the Sun-god by means 
of augury, sent and brought them back to Babylon, 
and restored them to fisagila, which he renovated 
and furnished for their reception with great 
splendour. Gold and aU manner of precious stones 
and rare woods were lavished upon the adornment 
of the images and their shrines. The dragon, the 
goat, the fish-men, goat-fish, and other monsters, 
over whom Marduk was fabled to have triumphed 
at the Creation, were carved in precious stones. 
He restored the priesthood and the cult, and en- 
dowed it with house, field and garden free from 
tax. He has become a thorough Babylonian, the 
only touch of Kassite influence is that in the very 
first sentence he caUs himself " Ulustiious seed of 
Shuqamuna," the Kassite war-god. 

BuRNABXJRiASH I. has been placed next, because 
a late Babylonian Chronicle records that Eagamil's 
expedition to Elam was followed by an invasion of 
the Sealand by Ulamburiash, brother of KashtiUash 


the Kassite. Further, a mace-head was found at 
Babylon belonging to Ulamburiash, son of Burna- 
buriash, the king who calls himself king of the Sea- 
land. We can scarcely doubt that he was also 
king of Babylon, and that his son succeeded him 
as Kashtiliash II. 

Agum III. — ^According to the same late Baby- 
lonian Chronicle, one Agum, son of a Kashtiliash, 
invaded the Sealand, captured Dtir-£a and 
destroyed its temple. He would thus be the 
nephew of Ulamburiash, whose conquest of the 
Sealand he was called upon to repeat. 

A king, Nazi-Ellil, is referred to as the ancestor 
of one of the kings in the Nippur series, in a letter 
addressed to that king. We may provisionally 
place him at the head of the hst. 

The earhest of the kings whose names and order 
we can fix is Kara-indash I. He made a treaty 
with Ashur-bel-nisheshu, king of Assyria, about their 
boundary. He seems to have corresponded with 
Thothmes III., king of Egypt. A short inscription 
of his calls him king of Babylon, Sumer and Akkad, 
as well as of Karduniash and the Kassites. He 
rebuilt the temple £-anna at Erech. 

It must remain doubtful whether Kurigalzu I., 
whose descendant Burnaburiash II. represents him 
as in friendly correspondence with the Egyptian 
kings, came before or after Kara-indash I. It is 


not unlikely that to him we must ascribe the founda- 
tion of Dur-Kurigalzu as a fortress to guard his 
northern frontier. It soon became an important 
city. His grandson, Marduk-aplu-iddin I., speaks 
of him as " unrivalled king." 

From the correspondence of the Kassite kings 
with those of Egypt, we learn that one Kadaseeman- 
Ellil was contemporary with Amenophis III., 
and addressed three letters to him, while Amenophis 
kept copies of two letters which he had addressed 
to Kadashman-Ellil. 

Chronicle P relates that Kadashman-ICharbe, 
son of Kara-khardash, (and) son of Muballitat- 
sherAa, daughter of Ashur-uballit, king of Assyria, 
carried out the subjugation of the predatory Sutft 
from east to west. He also erected fortresses in 
Amurrft and dug weUs. To secure their protection 
he settled a large population round them. Later, 
the Kassites rebelled against him, killed him, and 
raised Shuzigash, a Kassite of humble origin, to 
be king over them. Whereupon Ashur-uballit, 
king of Assyria, marched into Karduniash to 
avenge Kadashman-Kharbe, his daughter's son, 
slew Shuzigash the Kassite, and set Kurigalzu, " a 
child," son of Kadashman-Kharbe, on the throne 
of his father. 

The Synchronous History, after its entry about 
Kara-indash I., states that Buzur-Ashur, king of 


Assyria, aud Burnaburiash, king of Karduniash, 
made a fresh boundary treaty confirming the 
previous agreement. This statement may also 
have stood in Chronicle P, but the traces before 
the above account of Kadashman-Kharbe seem 
to refer to a king of Karduniash who made a 
boundary treaty with a king of Assyria, who is 
not Buzur-Ashur, but could be either Ashur-bel- 
nisheshu or Ashur-ubaUit. They appear to have 
returned something (an image of a god ?) to its 
place in Kharsagkalamma. One expects that here 
were given the relations of Kara-khardash with 

Now the Tell-el-Amama tablets show that a 
Burnaburiash, king of Karduniash, corresponded 
possibly with Amenophis III., certainly wrote 
five letters to Amenophis IV., and also exchanged 
presents with that king. This Burnaburiash, 
therefore, came to the throne soon after Kadash- 
man-Elhl. He mentions as his " father " or *' fore- 
father," one Kurigalzu, who was in friendly rela- 
tions with the " father " of Amenophis IV. We 
have denoted him as Kurigalzu I. above. 

Further, Ashur-ubalht, king of Assyria, wrote at 
least one letter to Amenophis IV. 

The Synchronous History inserts after Burna- 
buriash a paragraph which has given rise to most 
compHcated discussions. It states that ' in the time 


of Ashur-uballit, king of Assyria, Kara-khardash king 
of Karduniash the son of Muballitat-sherlia daughter 
of Ashur-ubaUit the Kassites rebelled and slew him." 
Here it seems to be obvious that the scribe has 
omitted some Hnes. Then the scribe goes on cor- 
rectly thus : — " They raised to the kingship over 
them Nazibugash the son of a nobody. Ashur- 
uballit went to Karduniash to avenge Kara-indash.'' 
Beside the misreading, Nazibugash for Shuzigash, the 
scribe must have written Kara-indash for Kara- 
khardash owing to his mistake of the latter for 
Kadashman-Kharbe. Then he states that Ashur- 
ubaUit estabUshed Kurigalzu, " the child," son of 
Burnaburiash, on the throne of his father. 

The next entry in the Synchronous History records 
that Kurigalzu, " the child," king of Karduniash, 
and Bel-nirari, king of Assyria, waged war and 
fought at Sugagi. Bel-nirari captured his camp 
and baggage. They then divided between them 
the fields from Shubari to Karduniash, and made 
a treaty. Chronicle P seems to have a very 
similar entry at the end of a reign of one Kurigalzu, 
but after a successful campaign against Elam, where 
we read that " Against Adad-nirari king of Assyria 
to the land ... in Sugaga, on the river Tsal- 
tsallat ... he slew his soldiers his nobles. . . ." 
Now we know that Kurigalzu III. made a success- 
ful raid into Elam, but he was son of Burnaburiash 


and was succeeded by Nazimarattash, who comes 
in the next section on P. This fight at Sugagi 
took place then in the time of Kurigalzu III. It 
is separated by a whole column from the events 
by which Kurigalzu II. came to the throne. Adad- 
nirari was grandson of Bel-nirari. 

In a legal decision of this period the plaintiff 
claims to have held certain lands from the time of 
Kurigalzu (II.), son of Kadashman-Kharbe, until 
that of Nazimarattash, son of Kurigalzu (III.). 
If these had been one and the same Kurigalzu, the 
space of time would have been expressed as from 
the time of Kurigalzu to that of his son, a quite 
pointless mode of expression. An inscription of 
Kurigalzu, son of Kadashman-Kharbe, set up by 
one EUil-bani, priest of Ellil, caUs him " the un- 
rivalled king." 

BuRNABURiASH III. reigned at least twenty-five 
years. In his inscriptions he caUs himseK king of 
Babylon, of Sumer and Akkad. 

Kurigalzu III., son of Burnaburiash III., reigned 
at least twenty-three years. He has left many 
votive offerings found at Nippur. He captured 
from the palace of Susa in Elam an agate tablet 
which had once been dedicated by a patesi in Baby- 
lonia for the life of Dungi, king of Ur, to the goddess 
Ninni. Kurigalzu now brought it back and dedi- 
cated it to Nin-Ul of Nippur, " his mistress," for 


his own life. Khurbatila, king of Elam, sent a 
challenge to Kurigalzu, saying, " Come, I and thou 
will fight together." Kurigalzu accepted the 
challenge, set out to Elam and met Khurbatila, 
whose troops deserted. Kurigalzu defeated and 
captured the king of Elam with his own hand. 
"So Kurigalzu received tribute from the kings of 
all lands." Later he attacked Adad-nirari, king 
of Assyria, and fought him at Sugaga, on the river 
Tsaltsallat, slew his soldiers and captured his 

Nazimarattash, son of Kurigalzu III., reigned 
twenty-four years. He fought with Adad-nirari I. 
in Kar-Ishtar and Akarsallu. Adad-nirari I. 
defeated him with great slaughter and captured 
his camp, and standards. Then they made a 
boundary treaty and divided the lands from Pilasqi, 
on the Tigris, to the LuUume. He has left several 
inscriptions at Nippur. 

Kadashman-turgu reigned seventeen years : he 
was son of Nazimarattash, and left several inscrip- 
tions at Nippur. 

Kadashman-Ellil II. reigned twelve years 
according to the Kings' List. He was son of 

Kudur-Ellil reigned eight years at least. He 
was son of Kadashman-Ellil II. 

Shagarakti-shuriash reigned thirteen years 


According to Nabonidus he was son of Kudur- 
Ellil, and built fi-ulmash 800 years before the time 
of Nabonidus. He repaired, the temple of the 
Sun-god in Sippara. 

Kashtiliash III. reigned eight years. He was 
son of Shagarakti-shuriash. Tukulti-Ninip I. 
defeated Kashtiliash, took him prisoner to Assyria, 
and led him in chains before Ashur, the national 
god. He then destroyed the city wall of Babylon 
and massacred its defenders. He carried away 
the treasures of fisagila and Babylon and the great 
god Marduk himself to Assyria. Among the 
treasures was a seal of Shagarakti-shuriash, who 
claimed the title shar kishshati upon it, this 
Tukulti-Ninip had engraved with his own titles, 
as shar kishshati, and deposited it in his temple. 
Somewhat later it was stolen from Assyria and 
given back to Akkad, where Sennacherib found it 
among the treasures of Babylon, and records that 
he had brought it back again after 600 years. 

According to Chronicle P, Tukulti-Ninip I. set 
viceroys over Karduniash, and ruled it for seven 
years, the Kings' List A does not, however, 
include him among the rulers of Babylonia. After 
his death in an insurrection he was succeeded for 
a short time by his son, Ashur-natsir-pal I. Then 
came a period of great disturbance in Assyria, and 
evidently its hold on Babylonia was relaxed. 


The Kings' List A gives as the next king of Baby- 
lonia one Ellil-nIdin-shum, with a reign of one 
year and six months. Chronicle P relates of him 
that he went out and attacked Kidin-Khutrudash, 
king of Elam, who had laid his hands on Nippur 
and massacred its people. He captured Dur-ih 
and Kharsagkalama, and drove out the Elamites 
from them. 

The Kings' List A gives Kadashman-Kharbe II. 
as the next king, with a reign of one year and six 

Then the Kings' List gives Adad-shum-iddina 
a reign of six years. When Kidin-Khutrudash 
invaded Babylonia a second time, Adad-shum- 
iddina seems to have fought him at Isin. The 
Tigris entirely flooded the district. This king 
overthrew many people. 

The end of this reign would account for the 
sixteen years during which Chronicle P says that 
the statue of Marduk remained in Assyria. It 
went back to Babylon in the time of Tukulti-Ashur. 
The next king in Babylonia was Adad-shum-utsur, 
who reigned thirty years. Two letters were sent 
to Assyrian kings by Adad-shum-utsur. One is 
addressed to two kings, Ashur-nirari and Nabu- 
dan, who seem to be reigning together, and refers to 
unrest in Assyria and to a certain Adad-shum- 
hshir. The other names neither Adad-shum-utsur, 


Kudurru of Melishipak 


nor the king of Assyria to whom it was addressed. 
But the king of Babylonia who writes it repels an 
offer of friendship. He does not acknowledge the 
fait accompli. He points out that a king of Assyria, 
Ninib-tukulti-Ashur, obviously the Tukulti-Ashur 
of Chronicle P, had fled to him to Babylon, leaving 
his representative, Ashur-shum-Hshir, in power. 
The rebels in Assyria rose against Ninib-tukulti- 
Ashur in his absence, expelled his locum tenens, and 
now demanded his surrender, which Adad-shum- 
utsur refused. Whether he had fled, or merely 
gone on a friendly mission to Babylonia, does not 
appear ; but he probably took with him the statue 
of Marduk and possibly the seal of Shagarakti- 
shuriash, carried off with it by Tukulti-Ninip I. 

The Synchronous History relates a war between 
Adad-shum-utsur and EUil-kudur-utsur, king of 
Assyria. Apparently the latter was killed in battle. 
His son or general retired to Asshur, whither 
Adad-shum-utsur pursued him, and besieged Asshur 
but was unable to capture it. 

The next king, Meli-shtpak, to whom the Kings' 
List A gives a reign of fifteen years, bore a Kassite 
name although son of Adad-shum-utsur. He was 
king of Babylon and shar kishshati. 

Marduk - APLU - IDDIN I., son of Meli-shipak, 
reigned thirteen years. He, too, was king of Baby- 
lon and shar kishshati, and calls himself descendant 


of Kurigalzu I,, " the unrivalled king," king of 
Sumer and Akkad. 

Zamama-shum-iddin, to whom the Kings' List 
assigns but one year, had to stand an invasion by 
Ashur-dan, king of Assyria, who captured the cities 
Zaban, Irria, and Akarsallu, carrying off a heavy 
booty to Assyria. An Elamite king, father of one 
Kudumankhundi, deposed him. This king must be 
Shutruk-nankhundi. The Elamites at this time 
made a terrific spoHation of Babylonia. Repeatedly 
we have noted " found at Susa " of some Baby- 
lonian monument. In such cases, we may take 
for granted that this was the occasion on which it 
was carried off. 

Bel-shum-iddes" next reigned for three years. 

Thus the Kassite Dynasty ended after a duration 
of 576 years and nine months, according to the 
Kings' List A. 

Some scholars, relying upon an inscription naming 
one Meh-shipak, son of Marduk-aplu-iddina, give a 
Meli-shipak II. and Marduk-aplu-iddin II. as kings 
of this djoiasty ; but their place, and even their 
existence, are uncertain. To avoid confusion the 
Merodach baladan of the bible is here called " the 

The Fourth Dynasty 

The Kings' List A calls this the dynasty of Isin (II.)- 
It may be that its early rulers were contemporary 
with the last kings of the Third Dynasty. For, 
when Shutruk-nankhundi had deposed Zamama- 
shum-iddin, he probably set his son, Kudur-nank- 
hundi, upon the throne of Babylon. The Kings' 
List, however, credited Bel-shum-iddin with a 
reign of two or three years. This can hardly be 
the same as Ellil-nadin-akhi, who, as Nebuchad- 
rezzar I. states, threw off the yoke of Elam. The 
Kings' List may be supposed to have ignored the 
Elamite usurpers, but gave the first king of this 
dynasty a name beginning with Marduk, and ascribed 
to him a reign of eighteen years. Possibly this un- 
known king reigned at Isin only. 

Ellil-nIdin-akhi may thus be the second king 
of the dynasty who reigned six years. 

Nebuchadrezzar I. succeeded. He was defeated 
at Dur-Apil-Sin, but finally triumphed. He carried 
the war into the enemy's country and subdued the 
Kaesites and the LuUume. He conquered the 
Amorite land. 



From a kudurru inscription we learn that the 
Elamites had annexed the district of Namar, famous 
for its horse-breeding. Assisted by the local chief, 
Ritti-Marduk, Nebuchadrezzar attacked the Elam- 
ites who held Dur-ilu. He drove them out, and 
pursuing them across the Tigris, brought them to 
bay on the banks of the river Ulai, where he utterly 
routed them, and then raided Elam, capturing great 
spoil. In the battles, Ritti-Marduk had ridden at 
the king's right hand, and on his return, Nebuchad- 
rezzar reinvested him with his ancestral possession, 
restored its special privileges, exempted it from 
taxes and dues. We may note that troops from 
Nippur and Babylon were stationed in Namar as 
its garrison, and the monument bears the attestation 
of high officials of Babylon, Halman, Akkad, and 

Shamua and Shamai, sons of the priest Nur- 
lishir, as we learn from another kudurru, escaped 
to Karduniash from Elam whither they had been 
carried prisoners. Nebuchadrezzar returned with 
them, plundered Elam, and took the hands of the 
captive Marduk and the goddess Eria. Marduk 
he brought back to Babylon, and restored Eria to 
Khutstsi. He then endowed the two priests with 
lands in Opis and Dur-Sargon. 

When Nebuchadrezzar attacked the Assyrian 
fortress of Zanqi, Ashur-rtsh-ishi, king of Assyria, 


compelled him to abandon the siege. When he 
later sent an army against Assyria he was again 
defeated, lost his general, Karashtu, and forty war 
chariots. The men of Khatti invaded Babylonia in 
his third year and took Babylon, but Nebuchadrezzar 
collected his troops, and in thirteen days (from 
Isin ?) drove them out, conquered Ammananu, and 
cut off the heads of the inhabitants. This may have 
been the occasion of his invasion of the West Land 
when he seems to have reached the Mediterranean. 

He was not only a warrior. He brought tablets 
of the great work on augury, usually known as the 
Illumination of Bel, from Babylon (to Isin ?), im- 
ported scribes and made a tablet depicting " The 
Lady of Heaven " with her decrees and the Motions 
of the Stars. He was the son of Ninib-nadin-shum, 
who, however, is not called a king. His reign lasted 
at least sixteen years. 

Ellil-nadin-apli succeeded Nebuchadrezzar I., 
and reigned at least four years. 

Marduk-nadin-akhe succeeded EUil-nadin-apli, 
and reigned at least ten years. He bore the title 
shar kishshati as well as king of Babylon. On a 
kudurru he granted an estate to Adad-zer-iqisha, 
his servant, who had served him well in the conflict 
with Assyria. The Synchronous History records 
that he and Tiglath-pileser I. set their chariots in 
array " for the second time " near Arzukhina. In 


the second year they fought in Marriti above the 
land of Akkad, and the Assyrian captured Dur- 
Kurigalzu, Sippar of Shamash, Sippar Anunitum, 
Babylon and Opis. Then the Assyrian plundered 
Akar-sallu down to Lubdi and subdued the land of 
Sukhi as far as Rapiki. Marduk-nadin-akhe had 
evidently fought with Tiglath-pileser a " first " 
time, and he probably then defeated the Assyrians. 
He captured Adad and Shala, the gods of Ekallate, 
and carried them to Babylonia, whence they were 
brought back by Sennacherib. 

Marduk-shapik-zerim probably succeeded 
Marduk-nadin-akhe, as he entered into friendly 
relations with Ashur-bel-kala, who was son of 
Tiglath-pileser I. From Assyria, where he seems 
to have gone on a friendly visit, he went to Sippar, 
which rii&y have been restored to him to cement 
the treaty. 

He rebuilt and enlarged fi-zida, rebuilt the walls 
of Babylon, and ruled over a prosperous and ex- 
tensive empire. Towards the end of his reign, his 
subjects in Karduniash rebelled and placed Adad- 
aplu-iddina as king over them. 

Adad-aplu-iddina succeeded. The Synchron- 
ous History calls him son of fisagil-shaduni, son of 
a nobody, and Chronicle K makes him son of Itti- 
Marduk-baliltu, The Aramaeans plundered the cities 
of Akkad up to Paddiri and Dur-ilu. The Sutii 


raided Babylonia and carried off the plunder of 
Sumer and Akkad. This king restored the temples 
of Marduk and other gods. He rebuilt Nimit- 
Marduk, the outer wall of Nippur. He reigned at 
least ten years. Ashur-bel-kala, king of Assyria, 
married his daughter and took her with her rich 
dowry to Assyria, and the peoples of the two 
countries were united in friendship. It should be 
noted that Itti-Marduk-balatu was certainly a 
king, who may well have been the real father of 
this monarch, and a usurper. If so, he may have 
directly succeeded Marduk-shapik-zerim. He calls 
himself son of Marduk-kabti-akhi, and takes the 
same titles as Kurigalzu and Hammurabi. 

Marduk-akhe-erba is placed next by some 
scholars, though others would place him at the 
head of the dynasty. 

The Kings' List A retains the beginning of three 
more royal names. Marduk-bel . . . reigned one 
year and a half ; Marduk-zer . . . reigned thirteen 
years ; and Nab^-shum-libur reigned nine years. 
His name occurs on a duck-shaped weight of thirty 
minas, in the British Museum, which gives him the 
title shar kishshati. 

The Fifth Dynasty.— The Kings' List A assigns 
to this dynasty, which it calls that of " The Sea- 
land," three kings, with a total duration of twenty 
years and three months. 


The first king was Simbar-shipak, who reigned 
eighteen years. He was a corvee master, son of 
Erba-Sin. After a reign of seventeen years he 
was slain with the sword, and buried in the palace 
of Sargon. Nabu-aplu-iddin states that he re- 
stored the great temple of Shamash in Sippara. 
The Sutu had destroyed it, and Simbar-shipak 
sought for the ancient representation of Shamash, 
but was unable to find it. However, he surrounded 
the old temple with a wall and restored its revenues. 
He was succeeded by Ea-mukin-zer, who is called 
a usurper by the Dynastic Chronicle, and stated to 
have been " son " of Khashmar. He was buried 
in the swamps of Bit-Khashmar, after a reign of 
only a few months. 

Kashshu-nadin-akhi is given a reign of three 
years by the Kings' List A. The Dynastic Chronicle 
calls him son of Sippa. He was buried in the 
palace of Sargon. Nabu-aplu-iddin says that in 
the want and disturbances of this reign, the offer- 
ings and observances of the temple of Shamash 
again fell into desuetude. 

The Sixth Dynasty. — According to the Kings' 
List A, this dynasty of Bazu consisted of three 
kings, with a total duration of twenty years and 
six months. 

fi-ULMASH-SHAKiN-SHUM reigned seventeen years. 
He was buried in the palace of Etir-Marduk. Nabu- 


aplu-iddin says that fikur-shum-ubshabshi, the 
priest of Shamash at Sippara, petitioned this king 
for a grant and was allowed rations from the super- 
intendent of fisagila. This king further granted 
him an estate in the New-city. 

From a table of portents it appears that a great 
storm occurred in the seventh year, and, in the 
eleventh year, such a deluge that the waters came 
within the wall of the Lower Mound (in Babylon ?). 

NiNip-KUDURRi-UTSUE reigned three years. 

Shilanum-shuqamuna reigned three months. 

The Seventh Dynasty. — ^Ae-aplu-utsur, the 
Elamite, reigned six years, and was buried in the 
palace of Sargon. 

The Eighth Dynasty. — The Kings' List A 
begins with a reign of perhaps thirty-six years, 
followed by one of eight months and perhaps twelve 
days, but gives no names. Later, it preserves four 
names, and gives a total duration of perhaps fifty- 
two years to the Dynasty of E-ki. 

Nab^-mukin-apli is generally taken to be the 
first king of the Dynasty, as a kvdurru, dated in 
his twenty-fourth year, seems to reckon from the 
second year of Ninib-kudurri-utsur to the fifth 
year of this king as seven (?) years. This would 
exclude the reign of the Elamite. Hence some 
would place a Ninib-kudurri-utsur as third, and 
Nabu-mukin-apU as fourth in this dynasty. 


A number of portents have been recorded for 
the various years of this reign. In Nisan of his 
seventh year the Aramaeans were at war, and the 
king could not go up to Babylon, nor was it possible 
for Nabu to go thither from Borsippa. Next year, 
at the same time, the Aramaeans having captured 
the Ferry Gate of Kar-bel-matati, the king could 
not cross over and so could not go to Babylon. 
So Nabu stayed in Borsippa, and B§1 did not go 
out. The same thing occurred in the nineteenth, 
twentieth, and nine succeeding years. A great 
storm occurred in the twenty-sixth year. He 
reigned at least twenty-eight years. 

After one or two kings, at present unknown, we 
have traces ending in . . . akhi-iddina, which may 
be part of the name of a Babylonian king, not yet 

Shamash-mudammiq is next named by Chronicle 
K, in conjunction with Adad-nirari III., king of 
Assyria, From the Synchronous History we learn 
that he set his battle array at the foot of Mount 
lalman, and there Adad-nirari defeated him and 
captured his horses and chariots. Then Nabu- 
shum-ishkun I. killed Shamash-mudammiq and 
came to the throne. 

Nab^-shum-ishkun I. had to fight for his crown 
with Adad-nirari III., who carried the war into 
Babylonia, defeated Nabu-shum-ishkun, captured 


^ 1 f 



the cities of Baribala and Khudadu, and carried off 
a great spoil to Assyria. The Babylonian monarch 
retired to the fastnesses of his land. Later he 
exchanged matrimonial aUiances with Adad-nirari 
and made peace with him. The Synchronous 
History adds that Assyria and Karduniash then lived 
in amity, and settled their boundary from Tilbari, 
on the Zaban, to Til-sha-batani and Til-sha- 

Nabu-shum-ishkun was also contemporary with 
Tukulti-Ninip II., king of Assyria. 

Nabu-aplu-iddin was son of Nabu-shum-ukin. 
He has left a stone tablet recording his restoration 
of the temple and cult of Shamash at Sippara. 
His notices of earher kings we have quoted above. 
He confirmed, restored, and augmented the endow- 
ments conferred by earUer kings, made a statue 
of rich gold and bright lapis-lazuli to represent his 
god, and set it up in a magnificent shrine ; ordered 
the daily offerings, endowed special festivals with 
rich robes for the god, and installed Nabu-nadin- 
shum as priest. The deed was dated in his thirty- 
first year. The Synchronous History relates that 
he made close aUiance with Shalmaneser II., king 
of Assyria. In 879 B.C. he actively supported the 
Sukhi on the south bank of the Euphrates against 
Ashur-natsirpal IV., king of Assyria, sending his 
own brother, Zabdanu, to resist him. The Assyrian, 


however, gained the victory and captured Zab- 
danu with 3000 of his troops. 

Nabu-aplu-iddin appears to have left the throne 
of Babylonia to his son, Marduk-zakib-shum, 
whose brother, Marduk-bel-usate, king of the 
eastern provinces, contested his title and pressed 
him hard. Marduk-zakir-shum appealed to Shal- 
maneser III. and was at once supported. Shalmaneser 
defeated Marduk-bel-usate, 852 B.C., and in 851 B.C. 
slew him in battle. Marduk-zakir-shum became 
a vassal king. Shalmaneser visited the shrines at 
Babylon, Borsippa and Kutha, and made rich 
offerings to the gods. He then subjugated the 
southern kingdom of Chaldaea. This reign lasted 
at least eleven years. 

Marduk-balatsu-ikbi, the son of Marduk-zakir- 
shum, foUowed. He fought with Shamshi-Adad VII. 
and was defeated with great slaughter at Dur- 
Papsukhal. The Babylonians brought a great 
army of Chaldseans, Aramaeans, as well as Elam- 
ites, and men from Namri. Again, in 813 B.C., 
Shamshi-Adad invaded Chaldaea and once more 
attacked Babylon, but it is not clear who was then 
on the throne in Babylonia. 

An interregnum foUowed, according to Chronicle 
K. Probably it only lasted two years. 

Then Erba-Marduk, son of Marduk-zakir-shum, 
came to the throne, and in the second year took the 


hands of Bel and so became legitimate king. In 
the disturbance and confusion the Aramaeans had 
seized upon the fields of the inhabitants of Babylon 
and Borsippa. Now Erba-Marduk smote them 
with the sword, took the fields and gardens from 
them, and restored them to their owners. He set 
up the throne of Bel in fisagila and £-zida in the 
same year. Later, he went to Babylon himself. 
When Merodach baladan III. came to the throne 
long after, he claimed to be a descendant of Erba- 

Bau-akhi-iddin came to the throne next. Adad- 
nirari IV. made expeditions into Babylonia in 812 B.C., 
his accession year. In 803 b.c. he went to Chaldsea, 
and in both 796 B.C. and 795 b.c. to Babylonia. 
It is difiicult to say in which of these expeditions 
occurred the events recorded by the Synchronous 
History, which does not name the Assyrian king 
who shut up Bau-akhi-iddin in his city, captured 
him, and carried him, with his palace treasures, to 
Assyria. Dur-ilu, Lakhiru, Gananati, Dur-Pap- 
sukal, Bit-riduti, Me-Turnat, the great cities of 
Karduniash, with their fortresses, their gods and 
spoils, were taken. The king went to Kutha, Baby- 
Ion, and Borsippa, and there offered in token of his 
supremacy. Then he went down to Chaldaea and 
received the tribute of the kings there. Then once 
more the boundaries were settled by treaty. After 



this thorough conquest Adad-nirari relented and 
restored the captives to their homes, laid taxes 
upon them, and the peoples of Assyria and Kar- 
duniash were at peace together. 

Adad-nirari IV. married Sammu-ramat, un- 
doubtedly a Babylonian princess and identical in 
name with the fabled Semiramis, queen of Baby- 
lon. She evidently played a role in the empire 
quite unique, and her monument at Asshur stood 
with those of the kings. 

There is some probabihty that, after an interval 
which we cannot yet fill, NABifr-MUKiN-z:feEi came 
to the throne, and reigned at least four years. 

Nab^-shum-ishkum II. was probably the king 
of whose name traces are to be seen on the Kings' 
List A after a long break. He reigned thirteen 

With Nabu-natsir, the Nabonassar of the 
Greeks, we emerge into the clear light of history. 
With him begins the Ptolemaic Canon, which gives 
us the hst of the later kings of Babylonia in un- 
broken order. The Babylonian Chronicle B also 
now begins, the Kings' List is available still, while 
the monuments and inscriptions are fuller and more 
numerous than ever. He reigned fourteen years. 

In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser IV. came to the throne 
in the third year of Nabonassar, and at once marched 
into Akkad, plundered the cities Rabikum and 


Khamranu, and carried off the gods of Shapazza. 
Shortly after Borsippa rebelled, and Nabonassar 
attempted to recapture it, apparently without 

Tiglath-pileser professed as his object the subju- 
gation of the Aramaean tribes, which had settled in 
Babylonia and now held Sippar and Diir-kurigalzu. 
He claimed to be king of the four quarters of the 
world, as well as king of Sumer and Akkad. Baby- 
lon welcomed him, and by offering in the chief 
cities of Babylonia he asserted his protectorate 
over Babylonia. He went no farther south than 
Nippur, and left the Chaldseans to themselves, 
but he destroyed their advanced post at Bit-Shilani, 
and impaled its king, Nabu-ushabshi, before the 
gate of his destroyed capital, Sarrabanu. He also 
subdued the Rashani and Bit-Amukkani. 

Nabu-nadin-zeri, his son, whose name appears 
in the Babylonian Chronicle as Nadinu and in the 
Ptolemaic Canon as Nadios, was killed in an in- 
surrection after two years' reign. 

The promoter of the rebellion, Nab^^-shum-ukin 
II., took the throne, but only ruled for two months. 
The Babylonian Chronicle calls him Shum-ukin ; 
the Kings' List gives him only one month and twelve 


The Ninth Dynasty 

The members of this so-called dynasty reaUy form 
a collection of disconnected rulers, usurpers, or 
conquerors. The Kings' List A describes Ukin-zer 
as of the Dynasty of Shashi ; Pulu and Elulai as of 
Tinu ; Marduk-aplu-iddina, Sargon and Sennacherib 
as Khabigal, which may mean " great robbers." 
They were certainly not all of the same family. 

The Kings' List A places first Ukin-z£b, of the 
Dynasty of Shashi, with a reign of three years. 
The Babylonian Chronicle B records that in his 
third year Tiglath-pileser IV. came down and plun- 
dered Bit-Amukani and captured Ukin-zer. 

The Kings' List A next gives to Tiglath-pileser IV., 
the king of Assyria, a reign of two years under the 
name of P^u, the Biblical Pul, the Poros of the 
Ptolemaic Canon, which regards him as real ruler 
along with Ukin-zer (Chinzeros) for five years. 
The Babylonian Chronicle gives Tiglath-pileser two 
years, before he died in the month of Tebet. 

Shalmaneser V., king of Assyria, succeeded, 
under the name of Ululai, and reigned as legitimate 
king for five years. 



Kudurru of Merodach Baladan III 


We do not know exactly what led to the change 
of dynasty in Assyria, but when Sargon ascended 
the throne in Tebet, 722 B.C., Merodach Baladan 
III., the Chaldsean king of Bit lakin in the Sealand, 
who had once paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser in 
729 B.C., seized the throne of Babylon. He alHed 
himself with Khumbanigash, king of Elam, and 
when Sargon moved south with a hastily organised 
army to make good his claim to Shalmaneser's 
Empire, the aUies made a stout resistance. Sargon 
laid waste Babylonia and brought his enemy to 
bay at Dur-ilu. Both sides claimed the victory, 
but Sargon was obliged to leave Merodach Baladan 
in possession of Babylon. There he reigned un- 
disturbed for twelve years, while Sargon held 
Dur-ilu and the cities of Akkad. 

Merodach Baladan III., 721-710 B.C. His rule 
was by no means a happy time for Babylonia. 
The Chaldsean and Aramaean troops had to be 
rewarded with grants of land and property, made 
at the expense of native owners. Merodach Baladan 
ruled as a foreign tyrant, and when Sargon was 
once more free to try conclusions with him he made 
no attempt to hold the capital, but fled south, carry- 
ing with him the chief men of Babylon, Borsippa, 
Sippar and Nippur as hostages. Sargon moved 
down the east with his resistless army of veterans, 
trained in many a fierce war with Armenia and 


the west, screened off the Elamites and Aramaeans, 
subdued the Gambulu, Ru'a, Khindani, latburu and 
Puqudu, making them into a new province, with 
Diir-Nabu as capital. He then moved into Baby- 
lonia and subdued the Aramaean Bit Dakkuri. 
Babylonia welcomed the deUverer with joy. The 
priests and nobles made a procession to Ddr- 
Ladinnu to escort him in triumph into Babylon, 
where he offered royal sacrifices. He restored 
order in Borsippa, expelling the intruders, took 
the hands of Bel on New Year's Day, 709 B.C., 
becoming legitimate king of Babylon. Then he 
turned his attention to Merodach Baladan, who 
made an ineffectual stand at latburu, was defeated, 
and retreated to Iqbi-Bel, where he was again 
defeated, and took refuge in his ancestral capital 
of Bit lakin, which he fortified against Sargon. 
He broke down all the bridges and flooded the 
country, but Sargon found a way to penetrate his 
defences and laid siege to his capital. Merodach 
Baladan now took refuge in Elam, The army of 
Puqudu and Sutu, coming to his assistance, were 
overpowered, and Bit lakin was stormed, sacked 
and razed to the ground. Sargon rescued the 
Babylonian hostages and restored to them their 
possessions. From Chronicle K we learn that 
Merodach Baladan 's father was Nabu-shum-(ukin? ), 
and he claimed descent from Erba-Marduk. His 


embassy to Hezekiah of Judali may have been 
intended to stir up trouble behind Sargon's back, 
but may more probably have been part of his later 
intrigues against Sennacherib. 

Sargon was now king of Babylonia, 710-704 B.C. 
He entered upon a series of restorations of temples, 
city walls, cults of the gods, etc., in Ur, Erech, 
Eridu and Larsa. Bit lakin was stripped of its 
people, who were deported to Commagene, while 
the people of that district were settled in their 
place. Then Bit lakin was made an Assyrian 
province and annexed to Gambuli. Uperi, king 
of far-ofiE Dilmun, accordingly thought it wise to 
send presents. 

There was a tradition among the Greeks that 
Sargon made his son, a brother of Sennacherib,* 
king of Babylon. Sennacherib himself seems to 
have been in command on the borders of Armenia 
when Sargon met a violent death. The Babylonian 
Chronicle assigns 704 and 703 B.C. to Sennacherib. 
He did not, however, take the hands of Marduk, 
and the Ptolemaic Canon, following local opinion, 
calls these years "kingless." Sennacherib did not 
at once interfere in Babylonia. According to the 
Kings' List A, the son of a slave reigned one month, 
being raised to the throne by a rebellion in which 
Sennacherib's brother may have fallen. Merodach 
Baladan again seized the throne, and reigned nine 


months according to the Kings' List A, six months 
according to the Babylonian Chronicle. Senna- 
cherib moved across the Tigris, met Merodach 
Baladan at Kish and utterly routed him. Senna- 
cherib entered Babylon without serious opposition, 
and sacked Merodach Baladan's palace. He then 
laid Chaldaea waste, boasting that he had destroyed 
eighty-nine cities and 820 villages. Merodach 
Baladan took refuge in Guzuman. Sennacherib 
sent a vast booty and 208,000 captives to Assyria, 
leaving behind him Bel-ibni as a vassal king. 

Bel-ibni was a native Babylonian prince, brought 
up at the Assyrian Couri;, and Sennacherib doubtless 
thought he would be at once acceptable to the 
Babylonian people and faithful to Assyria. The 
experiment answered weU for a time, but personal 
ambition, or the intrigues of the restless nobles, 
prompted rebellion. In his third year he laid claim 
to the imperial title of shar kiahshati, and allied 
himself with the Chaldaeans. Sennacherib carried 
him off to Assyria after a nominal reign of three 
years, 700 B.C. His Chaldaean ally, Mushezib- 
Marduk, deserted him and took refuge in inaccessible 
marshes. Merodach Baladan, who had assisted, 
was attacked, but fled to the West Coast of Elam, 
embarking his gods and people on ships. There 
he soon died, while his land of Bit lakin was utterly 


AsHUR-NADiN-SHUM, Crown Prince of Assyria, 
was set on the throne, and reigned six years. Senna- 
cherib now set to work to break the power of the 
Sealand. He built a fleet and floated it down to 
the mouth of the rivers, crossed to the Chaldaean 
settlements in Elam, and there ravaged them, while 
he himself halted with his army on the mainland. 
He thus violated Elamite territory, and the king 
of Elam marched into Babylonia, plundered Sippar, 
and carried Ashur-nadin-shum captive to Elam, 
where he seems to have died. The Elamites and 
their aUies now placed a Chaldsean, Nergal-ushezib, 
on the throne, and, supported by his allies, he moved 
south to attack the Assyrian army in the rear, 693 B.C. 
Sennacherib retreated to Erech and awaited Nergal- 
ushezib, who had taken Nippur. A desperate 
battle took place, the alHes were defeated, and 
Nergal-ushezib carried captive to Assyria. 

Mushezib-Marduk was next raised to the throne, 
692 B.C. He was a Chaldaean whom Sennacherib 
had formerly defeated. Sennacherib took the 
opportunity afforded by a rebellion in Elam to 
invade the country in the hope of rescuing his son, 
but the Elamites retreated to the mountains, and 
he was beaten back by the cold, 692 b.c. He 
then attacked Mushezib-Marduk, who opened the 
treasuries of Esagil to bribe the king of Elam to 
help him, and a great alhance of Elamites, Chal- 


daeans, Aramaeans and Babylonians, among them 
men from Parsua (Persia), EUipi, Puqudu, Gambuli, 
with Samunu, son of Merodach Baladan, barred 
Sennacherib's return at Khalule, on the east of the 
Tigris, 691 B.C. He had never been in such peril 
before. A terrific battle ensued, and Sennacherib 
claimed the victory. At any rate he got through to 
Assyria, but left Mushezib-Marduk alone for the time. 

In 689 B.C. Sennacherib had recovered and came 
again. Elam held aloof. Babylon was taken, and 
Mushezib-Marduk sent in chains to Assyria. Sen- 
nacherib then set to work to obUterate Babylon. 
The whole city was sacked, fortifications and walls, 
temples and palaces, as weU as private houses, were 
levelled with the ground, the people massacred or 
deported, and the waters of the Arakhtu canal 
turned over the site. Mushezib-Marduk's reign 
had lasted one year and six months at most. 

Sennacherib himself may now be said to have 
reigned seven years over Babylon. But as he had 
carried away Marduk to Assyria, he could not take 
the hands of Bel, and so could not be legitimate 
king. The Babylonian Chronicle and Ptolemaic 
Canon call these eight years " kingless." Berosus 
seems to have given a rule of eight years here to 
Axerdis, possiblj^ intending Esarhaddon by that 
name. Babylonia was made an Assyrian province 
under a viceroy. 


Doubtless the scattered population soon began 
to drift back to Babylon, and there is reason to 
think that Esaehaddon ruled there as " Vice- 
regent of Bel " before his father's death, and began 
to restore the city. He was probably there when 
Sennacherib was murdered, 20th Tebet, 681 B.C., 
and marched thence to wrest Assyria from his 
brother, Ashur-shar-etir, the BibHcal Sharezer. 
After he ascended the throne of Assyria, 680 B.C., 
Babylon remained under his rule. But as the 
statue of Marduk remained captive in Assyria, he 
could not be real king, and only retained the title 
of Viceroy. During his frequent absences warring 
in the west, his mother, Naqia, was regent, and the 
Elamites saw an opening to raid Babylonia and 
capture Sippar. In the south, Nabu-zeru-kenish- 
lishir, a son of Merodach Baladan, possessed himself 
of the Sealand and captured Ur. The Assyrian 
generals drove back both invasions. Nabu-zeru- 
kenish-lishir was defeated and fied to Elam, where 
he was slain. His brother, Na'id-Marduk sur- 
rendered to Esarhaddon, who made him vassal 
king of the Sealand. Esarhaddon drove out the 
Chaldseans, who had again settled in Babylonia, 
subdued the GambuU, and set up their king, Bel- 
ikisha, in Shapi-Bel as a frontier post against Elam ; 
deposed Shamash-erba, the king of Bit Dakkuri, 
and set up Nabu-usalhm, son of that Balasu whom 


Tiglath-pileser- had fought. The Elamite king 
made peace and returned the gods he had carried 
oflF. Esarhaddon greatly favoured Babylon, and 
rebuilt large portions of it. All over Babylonia he 
restored city walls, temples, cults and canals. 
Under him Babylon would soon have recovered. 
He died 668 B.C. 

Esarhaddon left Assyria to his son, Ashur-banipal, 
and Babylon to his son, Shamash-shum-ukin. After 
partaking in the coronation of his brother, Shamash- 
shum-ukin brought back the statue of Marduk to 
Babylon, Aiaru, 668 B.C., and on the New Year's 
Day of 667 B.C. took the hands of Bel and became 
legitimate king of Babylon and Amnanu. Ashur- 
banipal retained the rule of all the south and con- 
tinued to offer royal sacrifices in Babylon, Borsippa, 
Sippar and Kutha, as overlord. The southern 
cities were under Assyrian governors. At first 
Shamash-shum-ukin turned his mind to works of 
peace, fortifications and restorations. His brother 
gave him ample Assyrian troops as guards against 
Elam. But as he felt himself grow stronger he 
began to make a bid for independence. He drew 
into a conspiracy against his brother, Ummanigash, 
king of Elam, Arabians, Aramaeans, Chaldaeans, 
Egypt, Ethiopia and Gutium. When the affair 
seemed ripe he sent a challenge to Ashur-banipal 
forbidding him any longer to offer sacrifices in 


Babylonian cities. He then seized Ur and Erech. 
Ashur-banipal moved with great dehberation, but 
after a decisive victory at Bab-Sami, in Arakhsamna, 
650 B.C., he laid siege to Borsippa, Babylon, Kutha 
and Sippara, and leaving his armies to blockade 
them, rapidly reduced the South. Babylon stood 
a siege from Arakhsamna, 650 B.C., to Aiaru 648 B.C. 
Soon after it was stormed, after suffering the last 
extremities of famine and pestilence. It was then 
sacked as ruthlessly as by Sennacherib, and every- 
thing given over to fire and massacre. Shamash- 
shum-ukin burnt himself to death in his palace. 

Borsippa held out a Httle longer, Sippar and Kutha 
had fallen earlier. They were treated better, and 
Babylon was handed over to them to settle in. 
Shamash-shum-ukin had reigned twenty years. 

Ashur-banipal henceforth ruled Babylonia him- 
self. Kandalanu, the Kineladanus of Ptolemy, 
whom Berosus calls brother of Sammuges, was 
either a throne name of Ashiir-banipal's or of his 
nominee. He reigned twenty years. 

When Ashur-banipal died, 628 B.C., Babylon 
itself fell into the hands of Nabopolassar, who 
founded the New Babylonian Empire. Ashur- 
etil-ilani and Sin-shar-ishkun, the sons of Ashur- 
banipal, and kings of Assyria, retained possession 
of the cities of Akkad and the South, such as Nippur, 
Ur and Erech, for some time. 


The Tenth Dynasty, or Neo-Babylonian 

Nabopolassar reigned from 625 to 604 B.C. His 
rule was very limited at first. For four years we 
have no proof that his rule was acknowledged 
beyond Babylon and Borsippa. Erech, Nippur 
and even Sippara remained under Assyrian rule for 
much longer. 

He allied himself with the king of the Medes, 
who devastated Mesopotamia and ultimately cap- 
tured Nineveh which fell towards the end of his reign, 
about 606 b.c. He boasts that he had chased 
from Akkad the Assyrians " who from days of old 
had ruled over all peoples and worn out the nations 
with their heavy yoke." He further claims to have 
" laid the foundation " of his land and rule. 
_ His many inscriptions are chiefly concerned 
with his buildings. He was a great restorer. He 
rebuilt the great temple of Marduk at Babylon, 
while he had not yet assumed the title of king of 
Babylon, though already claiming to be king of 
Sumer and Akkad. When he dug a canal at Sippara, 
where he also built a temple of BeUt, he claims to be 



king of Babylon. He fortified Babylon, with its 
inner wall called Imgur-Marduk. 

On the fall of Nineveh, Pharaoh Necho II., king 
of Egypt, in 609 B.C., made an attempt to revive 
Egyptian supremacy. The Egyptians had already 
reached the Euphrates, when Nabopolassar's army, 
under his son, Nebuchadrezzar, met and defeated 
them at Carchemish, 605 B.C. A Babylonian 
settlement of the West was in progress when Nabo- 
polassar died, and Nebuchadrezzar hastened back 
across the desert from Pelusium, on the borders of 
Egypt, to claim the throne of Babylon. 

Nebuchadrezzar II. reigned from 604 B.C. to 
561 B.C. His own inscriptions, hke his father's, 
deal almost solely with buildings. He fortified 
Babylon with an outer waU, Nimitti-Bel, and with 
moats ; he made the great city gates of cedar, covered 
with strips of decorated bronze. Outside this he 
ultimately constructed fortifications so extended 
that no army could have surrounded it. Within, 
he built a citadel palace, and made magnificent 
streets. He cleaned out the Arakhtu canal, which 
ran through Babylon, and fined it with quays. The 
Babylon with its hanging gardens, once the wonder 
of the world, was practically his creation, and is the 
immense city whose ruins the Germans are now 

Nebuchadrezzar prided himself on the restoration 


of the ancient temples of his land. At Sippara, 
Larsa, Ur, Dilbat, Baz, Erech, Borsippa, Kutha, 
Marad, and many another less celebrated place, he 
lavished his wealth upon his gods and their dwell- 
ings. Nor did he care less for the weU-being of his 
people. He cleared out the old canals and dug a 
new one north of Sippara. 

Nebuchadrezzar was undoubtedly a great warrior, 
and fully maintained the prestige won by the armies 
of Assyria in the West, but only a tiny fragment 
of his annals has survived. They record that in 
his thirty-seventh year he warred in Egypt against 
Amasis, and a reference to Phut and laman probably 
indicates his victory over the Egyptian aUies and 
Greek mercenaries. Josephus preserves a tradi- 
tion that he made Egypt a Babylonian province. 
From the same source we learn of his siege of Tyre, 
585 to 573 B.C. Tyre finally made terms under 
Ethobaal, but was never captured. 

From the Bibhcal records we learn a full account 
of his relations with Judaea, some details of which 
still elude our grasp, but the questions involved 
belong rather to the treatment of the Old Testa- 
ment than to a history of Babylonia. Traces of his 
wars in the West, which were by no means confined 
to Judah, are to be found in a much mutilated 
inscription on the rocks at Wady Brissa, a valley 
north of the Lebanon mountains, and west of the 


upper part of the Orontes, and in an inscription 
and image set up at the Nahr-el-kelb. 

Amel-Marduk, 561-560 B.C., the Bibhcal Evil- 
Merodach, son of Nebuchadrezzar, only reigned 
two years and a few months. According to the 
Biblical accounts he had compassion on Jehoiachin, 
the captive Jewish king, taking him out of prison 
and making him an honoured, though compulsory, 

According to the story quoted from Berosus, he 
had rendered himself so hateful by his debaucheries 
and extravagance that he was assassinated. 

Neriglissar, Nergal-shar-utsur, probably the 
Nergal-shar-ezer who was Rabmag at the siege of 
Jerusalem, brother-in-law of Amel-Marduk, was 
son of Bel-shum-ishkun, and had married a daughter 
of Nebuchadrezzar. His own inscriptions deal 
almost entirely with temple buildings at Babylon 
and Borsippa, where he built himself a palace, 
559-556 B.C. 

Labashi-Marduk, his son, the Labarosoarchod 
of Berosus, is said by him to have been lawless and 
impious, and was deposed by the priestly party, who 
set Nabonidus on the throne, 556 B.C. He reigned 
only nine months, and was but a child, 

Nabonidus, Nabu-na'id, son of Nabii-balatsu- 
iqbi, 556-540 B.C., a native Babylonian, was its last 
independent king. He was, above all, a restorer of 


temples. It was his great delight to search for the 
foundation records of the original founders, and he 
prided himself on retaining, to a finger-breadth, the 
former dimensions of their buildings. To him more 
than to anyone else we are indebted for references 
to eariy history, which^ enable us to reconstruct 

His Ust of restorations is very long. Everj^- 
where calling himself the preserver of fisagila in 
Babylon and £-zida at Borsippa, his greatest achieve- 
ment was the rebuilding of the temple of Shamash 
at Sippara on a scale of magnificence previously 
unrivalled. For its roof alone five thousand beams 
of cedar were employed. In the city of Sippar of 
Anunitum her temple, £-ulmash, was restored. 

From an inscription drawn up to commemorate 
his restoration of the temple of Sin at Haran, we 
learn that in his sixth year one Cyrus, son of Cam- 
byses, king of Anshan, a petty vassal of Astyages, 
king of the Medes, " with his small army " conquered 
that powerful monarch. This led to the with- 
drawal of the Manda from Haran, where Naboni- 
dus had long wished to restore the temple. It 
had been destroyed by the Manda, probably in 
concert with the Babylonians, as the statues of 
its gods had been preserved in Babylon. Ashur- 
banipal had rebuilt the temple on the foundations 
laid by Shalmaneser, 869-826 B.C. Nabonidus 


again rebuilt it with greater splendour than ever. 
He enumerates with pride the countries which 
owned his sway, Babylonia, all Mesopotamia and 
the Western lands down to Gaza, on the borders of 
Egypt. Governors, princes, and kings united to 
contribute to the grand work. 

Cyrus soon made himself master of the Median 
Empire, and a coalition was formed against him 
by Croesus, king of Lydia, Amasis, king of Egypt, 
and Nabonidus, king of Babylonia. On the fall of 
Croesus in 546 B.C., C^rus turned his attention to 
Nabonidus, who had estranged the powerful priest- 
hood of Marduk at Babylon by his devotion to the 
worship of Sin at Haran and Ur, and of Shamash at 
Sippara and Larsa. A Chronicle deahng with the 
events of this reign once had entries for each year. 
It was drawn up by a priest of fisagila, and reflects 
the dissatisfaction there by its perpetually recurring 
notice, " the king was in Tema so Bel went not 
forth." As the king was not present on the New 
Year's festival to take the hands of Marduk, that 
god could not make his procession. On the part 
of Nabonidus this was equivalent to abdicating his 
claim to be legitimate king in the metropolis of 
the Empire. Where Tema was and what hold it 
had upon Nabonidus we do not know. He seems 
to have left affairs of state and the command of 
the army to his beloved son, Belshazzar, for whom 


he perpetually records his prayer for safety and 
preservation from sin against the gods. 

The end soon came, for the defence was entrusted 
to Belshazzar, who lay with his army in Akkad, but 
was signally defeated at Opis, and, on the 14th of 
Tammuz, Sippara fell without fighting. On the 
16th, Grobryas entered Babylon without resistance, 
and Cyrus followed on the 3rd of Marchesvan 
539-8 B.C. He was received openly by all classes 
as a Uberator. Nabonidus was exiled to Carmania. 

A monument found near Haran contains an 
autobiography of the father of Nabonidus, who was 
possibly installed there as priest of Sin towards the 
end of Ashur-banipal's reign. He mentions that 
king, his son Ashur-etil-ilani, Nabopolassar, Nebu- 
chadrezzar, and Nergalsharutsur, for whom he 
regularly prayed, and reckons 104 years of life 
from the days of Ashur-banipal to the sixth year 
of Nabonidus. In this year took place the death 
of the mother of Nabonidus at Dur-kurasu, near 
Sippara, on the 5th of Nisan. 


A newly found inscription shows that the men of Gutium 
were finally expelled from Babylonia by Utu-khegal^ who cap- 
tured their king, Tirigam, and founded a dynasty at Erech^ which 
must have preceded that of Ur. 


GoODSPEED, G. S. A Histm-y of the Babylonians and 
Assyrians. London : Smith, Elder & Co. 1903. 

King, L. W. A Histm-y of Sumer and Akkad. London : 
Chatto & Windus. 1910. 

Thureau-Dangin, F. Die sumerischen und akkadischen 
Konigsinschriften. Leipzig: Hinrichs. 1907. 

HiNKE, W. J. A New Boundary Stone of Nebuchadrezzar I. 
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 1907. 

Langdon, S. Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften. 
Leipzig: Hinrichs. 1912. 

SCHNABEL, P. Studien zur babylonischen-assyrischen Chrono- 
logie. Berlin : W. Peiser. 1908. 

Hogg, H. W. The Isin Dynasty. Manchester: Journal 
Manchester Oriental Society. 1912. 

Numerous articles in the Orientalistische Litteratur- 
Zeitung, Revue d'Assyriologie, Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, 
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, and other 
periodicals deal at length with the subjects summarised 
in this book, and give references to original sources. 



Aabba-kh^gal, canal, 74 
Aba-Uu, 6 king Akkad, 46 
Abalgamash, king, Barakbsu, 42 
Abba-dugga, 59 
Ablshu', 8 king dyn. 1, 10, 83, 84, 

Abirattash, 5 king dyn. 3, 91 
Abraham, 2, 25, 61 
Abfi-Habba, site of Sippara, 22 
Abfi-Hatab, site of Kisura, 24 
Abu-Shahrain, site of Eridu, 25 
Accession year, 7 
Achsemenids, 9 
Adab, now Bismaia, city, 18, 23, 

Adad, storm-god, 68, 76, 77, 78 

of fikallate, 106 

temple of, 73 

Adad-aplu-iddin, 7 king dyn. 4, 

Adad-nirari I., king of Assyria, 

96, 97, 98 
ni., king of Assyria, 110, 

IV., king of Assyria, 113, 

Adad-shum-iddin, 31 king dyn. 3, 

Adad-shum-Hshir, king (?) of 

Assyria, 100, 101 
Adad-8hum.ut6ur,32kincdvn. 3. 

Adad-zSr-iqisha, 105 
Adara-kalama, 8 king dyn. 2. 87 
Adhem, river, 65 

Ae-aplu-utsur, king dyn. 7, 109 
Aescnylus, Greek poet, 1 
Agade, city = Akkad, 18, 22, 79 
Agarqnf, 22 

Agathias, Greek author, 59 
Agum I., 2 king dyn. 3, 10, 91 ; 

the Great, 91 

n., 7 king dyn. 3, 91, 92 

-^— III., 10 king dyn. 3, 93 
Aiaru, 2nd Babylonian month, 

124, 125 
Aia-khegal, canal, 75 
Akarsallu, city, 98, 102, 106 
Akkad, city, 22, 29, 39, 40, 41, 42, 

44, 45, 104 
land, 14, 18, 22, 40, 58, 59, 

60, 61, 62, 67, 68, 70, 80, 82, 85, 

91, 93, 97, 99, 102, 106, 107, 

114, 125, 126, 132 

dynasty of, 38-45 

Akkadian language, 19 
Akkadians, people, 81, 92 : 
Akki, the gardener, 40 
Aksu river, 65 

Akurgal, 2 king Ur-nin& dyn., 32 
Akur-ulanna, 9 king dyn. 2, 87 
Al-Gimil-Sin, city, 56 
Aleppo, city, 79 
Alexander the Great, 1, 9 
Alisadu, king, Kish 3, 64 
Alman, land, 92 
Amal, god, 44 

, city, 82 

Amanufl range, 48, 82 
Amasls, king, Egypt, 128, 131 



Am&l-Marduk, 3 king dyn. 10, 129 
Amenophis III., king, Egypt, 
94, 95 

IV., king, Egypt, 95 

Ammananu, land, 105 

Ammiditana, 9 king dyiL 1, 84 

Ammikinabi, 88 

Ammizaduga, 10 king dyn. 1, 85 

Amnanu, land, 124 

Amorites, people, cf. Amurru, 

59, 61, 62, 63, 71, 72, 82, 103 
Amraphel, king of Shinar, 76 
Amurru, land, 44, 45, 48, 94 

people, 61, 65, 67, 82 

Ancient Fragments, Cory's, 2 
Andrae, German explorer, 24 
Anna, high priest of, 51, 53 
Annals, 4 

Anshan, land, 42, 52, 55, 130 
Antiochus Soter, Greek king, 2 
Anu, god, 30, 79 
Anunitum. goddess, 44, 106, 130 
Apil-Sin, 4 king dyn. 1, 65, 74, 75 
Apirak, land, 43 
Apollodorus, Greek author, 2 
Arabia, land, 15, 19, 49 
Arabians, people, 124 
Arabian desert, 14, 25 
Arakhab, pretender, 84 
Arakhsarana, 8th Babylonian 

month, 125 
Arakhtu canal, 82, 83, 122, 127 
Aramaeans, people, 106, 110, 112, 

113, 115, 117, 118, 122, 124 
Arioch, king of Ellasar, 68, 69 
Aristophanes, Greek poet, 1 
Aristotle, Greek author, 1 
Arkum, land, 82 
Armanu, land, 43 
Armenia, land, 13, 17, 117, 119 
Arrian, Greek author, 1 
Arzukhina, city, 105 

Asharri, city, 43 
Ashduni-erim, king of Kish, 62 
Ashlultum, queen of Sargon of 

Akkad, 41 
Ashnunnak, land, 42, 65, 66, 78, 

79, 92 
Ashukhu canal, 64 
Ashur, god of Assyria, 99 
Ashurbanipal, king of Ass3Tia, 

65, 124, 125. 130, 132 
Ashur-bel-kala, king of Assyria, 

106, 107 
Ashur-bel-nishSshu, king of As* 

Syria, 93, 95 
Ashur-dan III,, king of Assyria, 

Ashur- nadin-shum, 11 king dyn. 

9, 121 
Ashur- natsir- pal L, king of 

AssjTia, 99 

IV., king of Assyria, 111 

Ashur-etil-ilani, king of Assyria, 

125, 132 
Ashur-nirari III., king of Assyria, 

Ashur-rfish-ishi I., king of As- 

s3Tia, 104 
Ashur-shar-etir, king of Assyria, 

Ashur-shum-lishir, king of As- 
syria, 100, 101 
Ashur-uballit, king of Assjrria, 

94, 95, 96 
Asia Minor, land, 16, 57 
Asida, city, 70 
Asiru, people, 65 
Asshur. city, 79. 101, 114 

land, see Assyria 

Assyria, land, 9, 10, 15, 57. 72, 

73, 75. 77 86, 90, 93-96. 98- 

102, 104-107, 110. Ill, 113, 

114, 116, 117, 120-125, 128 



Assyrians, people, 4, 9, 39, 55, 60, 
73, 86, 87, 90, 91, 100, 101, 104, 
106, 111, 113, 119-123, 124, 

Astyages, king of Medes, 130 

Augury, 11 

Awan, city, 43 

Axerdes, king, 122 

Azag-Bau, queen, Kish 2, 30, 37 

Azupiranu, city, 40 

Babel, tower of, 21 

Babil, ruin, 20 

Bab-ilani, 20 

Bab-ili, 20 

Bab-Samt, city, 125 

Babylon, city. 2, 5, 6, 18, 20, 21, 

40, 44, 60, 60, 62, 66, 71-73, 

75-77, 91-93, 97, 99-101, 103- 

106, 109, 110, 112 115, 117- 

127, 129-132 

dynasties of, see Dynasty 

Babylonia, land, 1-3, 9, 10, 12- 

20, 30, 38, 40, 45, 57, 58, 60-63, 

68, 69. 71, 72, 76, 86, 87, 91, 97, 

99-102, 105-107, 110, 112, 114, 

120, 121, 129, 130 
Babylonian people, 3, 4, 6, 11, 

75, 88, 90, 92, 110-112, 114, 

120, 122, 129, 130 
chronicle, 10, 115, 116, 119, 

120, 122 
chronicles, 6, 50, 52, 59, 87, 

92. 93, 110, 112, 114, 116, 118, 

literature, texts, etc., 1-3, 8, 

19, 22, 24, 71, 85, 89 
Badki =Dflrum, city, 84 
B&d-Mada, wall, 62 
B4d-Martu, wall, 54 
Badu, king, Lagash, 31 
Bagdad, city, 13, 20, 22. 76 

Balasu, 123 
Banbala, city. 111 
Banks, explorer, 23 
Barakhsu, land, 42, 43 
Barnamtarra, wife of Lugalanda, 

Barship, city, 49 
Barsip, city, 21 
Basallu, mt., 48 
Basar, mt., 44 
Bisha-ili, 4 king Erech 2, 45 
Biisha-Mama, -patesi, Lagash, 47 
BJisha-Sin, 2 king Kish 2, 31 
Biaha-Tsir, 4 king Opis, 30 
Bashime, land, 
Bau-akh-iddin, 11 king dyn. 8, 

Baz, land, 41, 128 
Bazu, city, 76, 77 

dyn. of, 10, 108 

Bazuzu, ruler of Kish, 29 

Behistun, rocks, 3 

Bfel, god of Babylon =Marduk, 2, 

78,110,113, 118,122,124,131 

Nippur =EUil, 22 

B61-dabi, king, Assjma, 75, 77 

Beleous, 69 

Beletaras, 69 

BSl-ibni, 10 king dvn. 9, 120 

Bfilit, goddess, 126' 

Bel-ikisha, 123 

B61-nirari, king, Assyria, 96, 97 

Belshazzar, king of Babylon, 131, 

Bfil-shum-iddin, 36 king dyn. 3, 

102, 103 
BSl-shum-ishkun, 129 
Berosus, Greek author, 2, 3, 122, 

125, 129 
Biblical names, 25, 123, 128-130 
Bibrabium, city, 54 
Bingani-sharri, 44 



Birs Nimrud, ruin, 21 
Bismaya, site of Adab, 23 
Bit Amukkani, land, 115, 116 
Bit Dakkuri, land, 118, 123 
Bit lakin, land, 117-120 
Bit Khashmar, city, 108 
Bit Riduti, city, 113 
Bit Shilani, city, 115 
Boehaz Koi, city, 85 
Borsippa, city, 18, 21, 74-76, 79, 

110, li2, 113, 115, 117, 118, 

124-126, 128, 129, 130 
Boundary stones, 11 
Bricks, 3, 20, 21, 58 
British Museum, 11, 30, 42, 66, 

Budge, explorer, 22 
Bunutakhtunila, king, Sippara, 

64 ^ „ 

Bumaburiash I., 8 king dyn. 3, 

92 93 

'iL, 16 king dyn- 3, 93-96 

III., 21 king dyn. 3, 97 

Bur-Sin I., 3 king Ur, 53, 54 

II., 7 king Isin, 59 

Buzur- Ashur, king, Assyria, 94, 95 

Cambyses, 130 

Canals, 5, 13, 14, 32, 67, 73, 74, 

75, 77, 79, 85, 128 
Canon Eponym, 9 
Ptolemaic, 9, 114-116, 119, 

Cappadocia, 17, 57 
Cappadocian tablets, 57 
Carchemish, city, 127 
Carmania, land, 132 
Chaldsea, land, 2, 112, 113, 120 
Chaldffians, people, 112, 113, 115, 

117, 120, 121, 123, 124 
Chedorlaomer, king, Elam, 76 
Chicago University, 23 

Chinzeros, 116 

Chronicle, Babylonian. 10, 114 

Kl, 10, 44, 69, 72, 81, 83, 

85, 118 

K2, 10, 106, 110 

K3, 10 

p, 10, 94, 95,97, 99, 100, 101 

Kish, 8, 30, 36, 37, 39, 45 

Dynastic, 10 

Sargon and Naram-Sin, 40 

■ year names, 6 

Religious, 10 

Chronological notices, 8 

Chronology, 8, 9 

Cities, 20 ft., 25, 26-28 

City-gods, 26 

City-walls, 5 

Clemens, author, 2 

Code of Laws, 77-79 

Commagene, land, 119 

Constantinople, city, 42 

Cory, author, 2 

Croesus, king, Lydia, 131 

Ctesias, Greek author, 1 

Cuneiform writing, 2, 17 

Cylinder-seal, 44 

Cyrus, king, Anshan, 130-132 

Dagan, god, 52 

Damki-iBshu I., 16 king Isin, 60, 

68, 84 

II., 3 king dyn. 2, 84, 86 

Darius, the Great, 3 

Date-lists, 6, 50 

De Cros, explorer, 23 

Deir, ruin, 22 

Deluge, 24 

De Morgan, explorer, 90 

De Sarzec, explorer, ** , „. 

Deutsche Orientgesellschaft, 20, 

Diarbekr, town, 43 



Dilbat, city, 72, 79, 89, 128 
Dilmun, island, 40, 57, 119 
Diyala, river, 90 
Drehem. town, 23, 52, 66, 56 
Dudu, 11 king Akkad, 45 

priest of Ningirsu, 34 

Dungi, 2 king Ur, 6, 10, 13, 50- 

53, 56, 97 
Dungi-rama, 54 
Dunnu, city, 46, 73 
Dur-Apil-Sin, city, 103 
Dur-fia, city, 93 
Dur-ilu, city, 45, 51, 70, 79, 100, 

104, 106, 113, 117 
Dfir-gurgurri, city, 67 
Dur-kurasu, city, 132 
DGr-kurigalzu, city, 22, 94, 106, 

Diir-Ladinnu, city, 118 
Dfir-mfiti, city, 75 
Dfir-Nabfl, city, 118 
Dur-Papsukal, city, 119 
Diir-Shamikin, city, 40, 104 
Dflr-Sin, city, 41 
Dflr-Sin-muballit, city, 80 
Dynasty of Akkad, 38-46 

Erech I., 36, 37 

Erech II., 46 

Iain, 19, 57-61 

lain n., 103-107 

Kish L, 29, 30 

Kish n., 30, 31 

Kish III., 63 

Lagash I., 31, 32 

Lagash II., 

Larea, 23 

Opifl, 30 

Ur I., 24, 49-57 

Ur n., 58, 59 

Ur-Nlnfi, 31-34 

DynastiM of Babylon — First, 71- 


Dynasties of Babylon — Second, 

Third, 89-102 

Fourth, 103-107 

Fifth, 107, 108 

Sixth, 108, 109 

Seventh, 109 

Eighth, 109-115 

Ninth, 116-126 

Tenth, 127-132 

Dynastic Chronicle, A, 108 

S, 10 

Nippur, 5, 69 

fia, god, 25, 70 

fi-abba, land, 66 

fia-gamil, 11 king dyn. 2, 87, 92 

fia-mukin-zfir, 2 king dyn. 5, 108 

fi-anna, temple in Erech, 24, 93 

fi-Annatum, patesi Lagash, 30, 

32, 33, 34 
E-Babbar, temple in Lagash, 


Sippara, 21, 74, 81 

Babylon, 80 

Eclinse 9 

Egypt, land, 16, 57, 94, 124, 127, 

128, 131 
Egyptians, people, 127, 128 
Ekallate, city, 106 
Eki, dynasty of, 109 
ftkur, temple, 22, 54 
fikur-shura-ushabshi, 109 
Elam, land, 10, 15, 17, 19, 32, 42, 

44, 45, 49, 51, 62, 64, 56, 78, 

79, 92, 96-98, 100, 103, 104, 

118, 120, 121-124 
Elamite people, 34, 66, 57, 58, 

61, 62, 67, 69, 89, 91, 100, 

102, 103, 104. 109, 112, 117, 

118, 121, 124 
El Hibba, ruin, 24 



Ellaaar, city, 68 

Eim, god, 22, 29, 37, 41, 43, 44, 

50-55, 77, 78, 97 
Eim-bani, 11 kingof l8m,10,59,60 

priest of EUU, 97 

Ellil-kudur-utsur, king of As- 
syria, 101 
Ellil-nadin-akhi, 2 king dyn. 4, 

Ellil-nadin-apli, 4 king dyn. 4, 

3, 105 
Ellil-nadin-shum, 29 king dyn. 

3, 100 
Elmuti, 6 king Kish 2, 31 
El Oheimor, ruin, 21 
Elulai =Slialmaneser V.. 116 
Emutbalum, land, 65, 67-69, 78, 

Enakalli, paiesi, Umma, 32, 33 
Enannatum I., patesi, Lagash, 


II., patesi, Lagash, 34 

III., priest at Ur, 58 

Enetarzi, paiesi, Lagash, 34 

Eniggal, 35 

fi-nianfi, temple in Lagash, 37, 

En-kh^gal, king, Lagash, 31 
Enki, god, 52, 54, 56 
Enlitarzi, paiesi, Lagash, 34, 35 
Enridapizir, king, Gutium, 46 
Enshagkushanna, king, Sumer, 37 
Entemena, patesi, Lagash, 33, 34, 

Erba-Marduk, 10 king dyn. 8, 

112, 113, 118 
Erba-Sin, 108 

Erech, city, 18, 24, 30, 31, 33, 
35-37, 39, 44, 46, 50, 53-56, 68, 
59, 66, 66, 68-70, 77, 79-81, 93, 
119, 121, 124-126, 128 
Eria, goddess, 104 

Eriaku, 68 

Eridu, city, 13, 18, 25, 32-34, 37, 

62, 54, 56, 58, 69, 68, 79, 119 
fisagila, temple, 20, 50, 74, 80, 

92, 99, 109, 113, 121, 130, 131 
fisagilshaduni, 106 
Esarhaddon, king, Assyria, dyn. 

9, 122-124 
Ethiopia, land, 124 
Ethobaal, king. Tyre, 128 
Etir-Marduk, 108 
fiturkalamma, temple, 75, 78 
fiulmash, temple, 99, 130 
;feulmash-8hakin-8hum, 1 king 

dyn. 6, 108 
Euphrates, river, 13-15, 20, 21, 

24, 25, 33, 37, 49, 57, 69, 74, 

76, 79, 82, 84, 85, 111, 127 

canal, 23, 82 

Europe, 23, 24 
Eusebius, author, 2 
Evilmerodach, see AraSl-Marduk 
6-zida, temple, 21, 106, 113, 130 

Fall of Jerusalem, 3 
Fall of Nineveh, 2 
Faluja, 22 
Fara, ruins, 24 

First Dynasty of Babylon, 6, 8, 
10, 19, 22, 61-66, 70, 71. 86-89 
Fisher, explorer, 22 
Flood, 10, 24 
Foundation records, 3 
French explorers, 23 

Gaddash, see Gandash 
Gagia, 6, 42, 77, 84 
Galu-Bau, patesi, Lagash, 48 
Galu-Gula, patesi, Lagash, 48 
Gambulu, people, 118, 119, 122, 

Gananati, city, 113 



Gandash, 1 king dyn. 3, 91 

Gankhar, land, 52, 53, 561 

Gaza, city, 131 

Genealogy, 4 

Genesis adv., 8, 76 

German explorers, 23, 24, 127 

Gilgamesh, hero, 24 

Gimil-Ellil, 53 

Gimil-ilishu, 2 king Isin 1, 58 

Gimil-Ishtar, 54 

Gimil-Sin I., 6 king Opis, 30 

IL, 4 king Ur 1, 54-56 

Girsu, city, 23, 56, 68 

Gobryas, 132 

Greek writers, 1, 20, 21, 45, 90, 

114, 119 

people, 128 

Gudea, patesi, Lagash, 37 ,48, 49 

Gu-edin, plain, 32, 47 

Gulkiflhar, 6 king dvn. 2, 7, 8, 87 

Gnngnnu, king, Ur'3, 58, 59, 66 

Gonidu, 31 

Gorsar, 32 

Gutium, land, 19, 44, 47, 49, 66, 

92, 124 
Guzuman, land, 120 

Halman, city, 104 
Hammurabi, 6 king dyn. 1, 5, 8, 

10, 20, 61, 66, 68, 69, 76-80, 84, 

85, 89, 107 
Hammurabi-khdgdl, oanal, 77 
Hannab, city, 56 
Haran, city, 25, 130, 131 
Haynes, explorer, 22 
Hebrew tradition, 25, 61 
Herodotus, Greek author, 1, 20 
Hezekiah, 119 
Hillah, ruins, 20 
Hflprecht, explorer, 22 
Hincks, decipherer, 3 
Hit, city, 3 

Hittites, people, 57, 86, 86 
Holwan, city, 90 

ladikhabu, 82 

lakhzSr-Uu, king, Kazallu, 73 

lalman, mt., 110 

laman, land, 128 ^ 

latburu, people, 118 

lau, god, 72, 73 

Ibi-Anum, 74 

Ibi-Sin, 5 king Ur 1, 55-57 

Ibni-sharru, 44 

Idamaraz, people, 69, 80 

Idin-Dagan, 3 king Isin 1, 58 

r' 1-Shamash, 7 Wng Kish 2, 31 
. patesi, Umma, 33 
lU-idinnam, 7 king Akkawi, 45 
Ilu-lugar, 10 king, Akkad, 45 
Du-ma-ilu I., king, Sippara. 66 

IL, 1 king dyn. 2, 82, 86, 87 

Ilu-shumma, king, Assyria, 72,73 
Im^ir-Marduk, 127 
Imi-ilu, 8 king Akkad, 45 
Immerum, king, Sippara, 64 
Innina, goddess, 53 
Iqbi-Bfil, city, 118 
Imina, goddass, 43 
Irria, city, 102 
Irrigation, 5 

Ishbi-Urra, 1 king Isin 1, 67 
Ishkibal, 4 king dyn. 2, 86 
Ishkun-Marduk, city, 84 
Ishme-Dagan, 4 king Isin 1, 58 
Ishtar, goddess, 20, 40, 75, 77 
Ishu-ilu, 5 king Opis, 30 
Isin, city, 8, 55, 57-62, 65-70, 76- 
81, 84, 100, 103-105 

dyn. 1, 19,57 

dyn. 2, 103 

era, 7, 61 

Iter-bAsha, 8 king isin 1, 59 
Itti-Ellil, 44 



Ittl-Marduk-balatu, 106, 107 

Jabrum, city, 54 

Japium, king, Kish 3, 63, 64 

Jenoiachin, 129 

Jenisalem, city, 3, 129 

Jews, people, 2 

Jokha, ruin, 23 

Jordan, river, 15 

Josephus, Jewish author, 2, 128 

Judah, land, 110, 128 

Judaea, land, 128 

Ka-Azag, patesi, Lagash, 47, 48 
Kabnitum, river, 43 
Kadashman-Ellil I., 14 king dyn. 

3 94 95 

'- XL, 25 king dyn. 3, 98 

Kadashman-Kharbe I., king 

dyn. 3, 94, 97 

II.. king dyn. 3, 100 

in., 30 king dyn. 3, 100 

Kadashman-Turgu, 24 king dyn. 

Kadi, god, 51 
Kagalad, mt., 49 
Kagmum, land, 79 
Kandalanu, 125 
Karab, city, 66 
Kara-indash I., 12 king dyn. 3, 

93, 94, 96 
Karakhardash, 94, 95, 96 
Karash, city, 63 
Karashtu, 105 
Kar-B61-matati, city, 110 
Kardaka, city, 56 
Karduniash, land, 91, 93-96, 99, 

104, 106, 111, 113, 114 
Kar-Ishtar, city, 98 
Karkar, city, 34, 75, 79 
Kar-Shamash, city, 66, 74, 79, 84 
Karzida, city, 50, 52, 54 

Kashshi, see Kassites, 90 
Kashshu, see Kassites, 90 
Kashshu-nadin-akhi, 3 king dyn. 

5, 108 
Kashtiliash I., 3 king dyn. 3, 10, 


II., 9 king dyn. 3, 92, 93 

III., 28 king dyn. 3, 99 

Kashtubila, king, Kazallu, 40 

Kasr, 20 

Kassites, people, 69, 80, 84, 86, 

87, 89, 91-96, 102, 103 
Kazallu, land, 29, 40, 51, 63-65, 

Kengi, land, 18 
Kesh, city, 45 
Khabigal, 116 
Khakhu, land, 49 
Khalambu, 73 
Khalium, king Kish, 3, 63 
KhaUab, city, 68 
Khalule, city, 122 
Khamazi, land, 29, 56 
Khamranu, city, 115 
Khani, land, 92 

Kharsagkalama, city, 45, 95, 100 
Kharshi, land, 52, 53 
Khashmar, city, 108 
Khatti, land, 85, 105 
Khindanu, people, 118 
Khudadu, city. 111 
IChukhnuri, land, 54 
Khumbanigash, king, Elam, 117 
Khuraurti, land, 53 
Khurbatila, king, Elam, 98 
Khurshitu, land, 65 
Khutstsi, city, 104 
Kiannibi, 2 king dyn. 2, 86 
Kibal-barru, city, 72, 77 
Kidin-khutrudash, king, Elam, 

Kimash, land, 49, 53 



KineladanuB, 125 

King's List A, 8, 9, 71, 86, 86, 

90-92, 99, 100-102, 107-109, 

114-116, 119, 120 

B, 71 

Kirgal-daramosb, 7 king dvn. 2, 

Kish, city, 18, 21, 22, 29-32, 37, 

41, 44, 62-64, 66, 71-74, 79, 

81-84, 89, 120 

dyn. 1, 29, 30 

2, 30, 31 


Kissians, people, 90 
Kisurra, city, 24, 66, 79, 81 
Kiuri, land, 18 
Koldewey, explorer, 24 
Kossseans, people, 90 
Kudda, 3 king Erech 2, 45 
Kudur-Ellil, 26 king dyn. 3, 98, 

Kudur-Lakbamar, 68 
Kudur-Mabug, 62, 67, 68 
Kudur-Nankhundi, king, Elam, 

65, 102, 103 
KudurruB, 11, 104, 105, 109 
Kurigalzu I., 13 king dyn. 3, 93, 

96, 102, 107 

II., 20 king dyn. 3, 96, 97 

III., 22 king dyn. 3, 96-98 

Kurikbum, city, 42 

Kurna, city, 14 

Kutba, city, 18, 22, 53, 74-76, 79, 

112, 113, 124, 126, 128 

Labaroso-archod, see Labashl- 

Labashi-Marduk, 5 king dyn. 10, 

Lagash, city, 18, 23, 24, 29-37, 

44, 47-60, 53, 66, 66, 68, 73, 74, 


Lakbini, city, 113 


Larak, city, 45 

Larea, city, 7, 24, 33, 37, 50, 58, 

61, 62, 64, 66-69, 76, 78, 79, 81, 

119, 128, 131 
Larisab, king, Gutium, 46 
Lebanon, mta., 57, 128 
Libit-Isbtar, 5 king Isin I., 58 
Lipusb-Iau, 44 
Loftus, explorer, 24, 66 
Louvre Museum, 62 
Lower Sea = Persian Gulf, 37, 49 
Lubdi, city, 106 
Lu-enna, 34 

Lugal-anda, potest, Lagash, 36 
Lugal-anda-nushuga, 36 
Lugal-annatum, potest, Umma, 

Lugal-bur, potest, Lagash, 47 
Lugal-kigub-nidudu, king, Eroch, 

Lugal-kisalsi, king, Erech, 37 
Lugal-m&gurri, potest, Ur, 66 
Lugal-shag-engur, potest, Lagash, 

Lugal-tarsi, king, Kish 1, 30 
Lugal-ushumgal, potest, Lagash, 

Lugal-zaggisi, king, Erech 1, 31, 

36, 37, 39 
Lii-gunutur, 34 
Lukhaia, city, 83 
Lullume, people, 98, 103 
Lulubu, land, 19, 43, 53 
Lydla, land, 131 

Ma, city, 63 

Maceheads, 4, 29, 44. 40, 93 

M<idga, city, 49 

M<\gan, land, 43, 45 

MalgO, city, 77, 79 



Mauabaltel, king, 65 
Manana, king, Kish 3, 63, 64 
Manda, people. 131 
Mamshtusu, 2 king, Akkad, 39, 

Manium I., king, Magan, 43 

II., king, Kish 3, 64 

Mannudannu, king, Magan, 

Marad, city, 75, 128 
Mar'ash, city, 51 
Marchesvan, 8th month, 132 
Marduk, god, 20, 73, 77, 80, 81, 

86, 92, 99, 100, 101, 104, 107, 

119, 122-124, 126, 131 
Marduk-akhe-erba, 8 king dyn. 

4, 107 
Marduk-aplu-iddin I., 15 king 

dyn. 4, 94, 101 

II., add. note 

III., king dyn. 9, 116 = 

Merodach Baladan 
Marduk-balatsu-iqbi, 9 king dyn. 

8, 112 
Marduk- bfil-usate, 112 
Marduk-kabti-akhi, 107 
Marduk-nadin-akhe, 5 king dyn. 

4, 105, 106 
Marduk-shapik-zferim, 6 king 

dyn. 4, 106, 107 
Marduk-zakir-shum, 8 king dyn. 

8, 112 
Mari, city, 33, 57, 79 
Markharshi, city, 51 
Marriti, city, 106 
Mash, land, 45 
Mashgan-shabri, city, 67, 79 
Medes, people, 126, 130, 131 
Media, land, 131 
Median Wall, 21, 22 
Mediterranean Sea, 49, 105 
MS-EUa, canal, 63, 84 

Melam-kurkurra, 10 king dyn. 2, 

Meli-shipak I., 33 king dyn. 3, 

Melukhkha, land, 45, 49 
Menna, land, 48 
Mera, city, 79 
Merodach Baladan III., 4 king 

dyn. 9, 113 
7 king dyn. 9, 117-120, 122, 

Mesalim, 42 

Mesilim, king, Kish, 29-31 
Mesopotamia, land, 15, 61, 86, 

126, 131 
M&-Turnat, city, 113 
Minimum dates, 11 
Mitanni, land, 86, 92 
Muballitat-Sheriia, 94, 96 
Muqayyar, ruin, 25 
Murik Tidnim, 54 
Mushezib-Marduk, king, Chal- 

djBa, 120-122 
Muti-khurshana, 82 

Nabi-Ellil, 55 

Nabi-Sin, 55 

Nabonassar, 14 king dyn. 9, 114, 

Nabonidus, 6 king dyn. 10, 8, 9, 

43, 74, 99, 129-132 
Nabopolassar, 1 king dyn. 10, 

125-127, 132 
Nabii, god, 21, 77, 110 
Nabu-aplu-iddin, 8 king dyn. 8, 

108, 111, 112 
NabG-balatsu-iqbi, 129 
Nabil-dan, king, Assyria, 100 
NabQ-mukin-apli, 1 king dyn. 8, 

Xabd-mukln-zdri, 12 king dyn. 

8, 114 



Nabii-nadin-shum, 111 
Nabii-na'id, 129 
Nabii-natsir = Nabonassar, 114 
Nab^-shum-ishkun L, 6 king 

dyn. 8, 110, 111 

II., 13 king dyn. 8, 114 

Nabu-shum-libur, 11 king dyn. 

4, 107 
Nabii-shum-iikin I., Ill 

IL, 16 king dyn. 8, 115, 116 

Nabfl-usallim, 123 
Nabu-ushabshi,king, Bit-Shilani, 

Nabvi-zer-k§ni3h-li3hir, 123 
Nadi, 53 
Nadinu, 115 
Nadios, 115 
Nahr-el-Kelb, 129 
Na'id-Marduk, 123 
Naksn, city, 44 
Namar, 104 
Nanunakhani, patesi, Lagasb, 47, 

Namri, land, 112 
Nan&, goddess, 55, 73, 79 
Nanga, city, 76 
Nanusakh, 8 king Kish 2, 31 
Nannar, god, 6, 25, 50-55, 63, 72, 

Nanum-shami, 9 king, Akkad, 45 
Naqia, 123 
Naram-Sin I., 4 king, Akkad, 8, 

10, 21, 39, 41, 43, 44, 47 

II., king, Kish 3, 65 

Nar-Sin-muballit, 75 
Nar-Sumudari, 76 
Nar-Sumu-la-ilu, 75 
Nazarum, city, 70 
Nazibugash, 96 
Nazi-EUU, 11 king dvn. 3, 93 
Nazi-MarattMb, 23 king dyn. 3, 


Nebuchadrezzar I., 3 king dyn. 
4, 8, 103, 104, 105 

II., 2 king dyn. 10, 20-22, 

127, 129, 132 

Necho II. , king, Egypt, 127 

Nergal, god, 22, 53, 74, 76, 79 

Nergal-shar-ezer, 129 

Nergal-shar-utsur, 129, 132 

Nergal-ushdzib, 121 

Neriglissar, 4 king djm. 10, 20, 

New Year's Feast, 6, 82 

Nimit-Marduk, Wall. 107 

Nimitti-Bel, WaU, 127 

Nimrod, 24 

Nina, goddess, 41, 53 

Nineveh, city, 2, 79, 126, 127 

Ningal, goddess, 81 

Ningandu, 47 

Ningirsu, god, 23, 33-35, 48, 49 

Nmib, god, 50-52, 82 

Ninib-kudurri-utsur, 2 king dyn. 
4, 109 

Ninib-nadin-shum, 106 

Ninib-tukulti-Asshur, king, As- 
syria, 101 

Nimsinna, goddess, 72 

Ninkagina, 47 

Ninlil, goddess, 50-53, 55, 97 

Nin-mar, goddess, 34, 53 

Ninni, goddess, 24, 30, 33, 60, 
63, 64, 62, 73, 78, 79, 97 

Ninni-esh, city, 33, 43, 44 

Nippur, city, 8. 22, 23, 29, 30, 
32, 34, 35, 37, 41-46, 50-55, 
58-60, 68-70, 72, 78, 79, 90, 
91, 93, 97, 98, 100, 104, 107, 
115, 117, 121, 125, 126 

Nisan, 1st month, 6, 7, 110, 132 

Nishar, land, 56 

Nitamu, 55 

Niugmidashu, 51, 63 



Noah, 24 

Noldeke, explorer, 24 
Nukhush-nishi, canal, 80 
Nur-Adad, king, Larsa, 64, 66, 

Nar-lishlr, 104 

Old Testament, 2 
Omens, 11 
Omen-texts, 43, 55, 58 

Naram-Sin, 40 

Sargon, 40 

Opis, city, 18, 21, 29, 30, 33, 44, 

104, 106, 132 

dyn. 30 

Oppert, decipherer and explorer, 

Orontes, river, 129 

Padan, land, 92 
Paddiri, city, 106 
Palaces, 4, 5, 108, 109 
Palestine, land, 16, 25, 61 
Parsfia, land, 122 
Pausanias, Greek author, 1 
Pelusium, city, 127 
Pennsylvania University, 22 
Persia, land, 15, 122 
Persian Gulf, 13, 40, 42, 49, 67 
Pharaoh, 127 
Phut, land, 128 
Pilasqi, land, 98 
Poros, 116 

Prehistoric period, 16 
Ptolemaic Canon, 114-116, 119, 

Ptolemies, 9 
Ptolemy, 9, 125 
Pukhia, king, Khurshitu, 65 
Pul =Tiglath-pileser IV., 116 
Pulu ^Tiglath-pileser IV., 116 
Puqudu, people, 118, 122 

Quti, people, 45 

Rabikum, city, 77, 79, 114 

Rabmag, 129 

Rapiku, city, 106 

Rashani, people, 115 

Rassam, explorer, 22 

Rawlinson, decipherer and ex- 
plorer, 3 

Red Sea, 15 

Regnal Years, 7, 11 

Rim-Anum, king, 63, 65, 67, 70 

Rim-Sin, king, Larsa, 10, 61, 66- 
69, 76, 78, 80-82 

Rimush, see Urumush 

Rish-Adad, king. Apirak, 43 

Ritti-Marduk, 104 

Ru'a, people, 118 

Rubatum, city, 75 

Sabum, city, 56, 81 
Saggaratum, city, 82 
Sakiati, people, 92 
Sakli, people, 44 
Sammuges, 125 
Sammuramat, 114 
Samsu-ditana, 11 king dyn. 1, 10, 

85, 87, 89 
Samsu-iluna, 7 king dyn. 1, 10, 

66, 69, 80-84, 87, 89 
Samunu, 122 
Sarabi, city, 65 

Sarati-gubisin, king, Gutium, 46 
Sargon of Akkad, 10, 22, 39 

Assyria, 39, 116, 118 

palace of, 108, 109 

Sarrabnnu, city, 115 
Satuni, king, Lulubi, 43 
Scheil, author, 22, 64 
Sealand, district, 91-93, 117, 121, 

dyn. 1., 8, 10, 70, 84, 86 




Sealand, dyn. 2., 107 

kings, 66, 83, 88, 93 

Semiramls, 114 

Semites, people, 18, 19, 49, 56, 

57, 61, 62 
Semitic, 19, 38, 41, 42, 46, 49, 

56, 62, 65, 91 
Senkereh, ruin, 24, 66 
Sennacherib, 20, 90, 91, 99, 106. 

116, 119-123, 125 
Shagarakti-shuriasb, 27 king 

dyn. 3, 8, 98-101 
Shagshag, 35 
Shakb, 34, 35 
ShakhnS, city, 82 
Shala, goddess, 78, 106 
Shalibi, city, 77 
Shalmaneser II., king, Assyria, 


HI., king, Assyria, 130 

v., king, Assyria, 116, 117 

Sbamai, 104 

Shamash, sungod, 21, 40, 42-44, 

50, 58, 60, 63, 64, 67, 75, 76, 

79-81, 92, 106-109, 111, 130, 

Shamasb-erba, 123 
Shamash-kb^al, canal, 73 
Shamasb-mudammiq, 5 king 

dyn. 8, 110 
Shamash-sbum-ukin, 16 king 

dyn. 10, 124, 125 
Sbamsbi-Adad, king, Assyria, 77 

VII., king, Assyria, 112 

SbamOa, 104 
Sbapazza, land, 115 
Sbapi-B^l, city, 123 
Sbarezer, 123 
Sbargani-sbarri, 5 king, Akkad, 

37, 39, 44, 47 
Sharidkbum, city, 105 
Shar kishsbati, 99, 107, 120 

Shariak, king, Gutium, 44 
Sbarrukin L, 1 king Akkad, 39, 


EL, king, Assyria, 39 

Shasbi, dyn. 116 
Sbasbru, land, 52-54 
Sbatra, marshes, 24 
Shat-Sin, 53 
Shatt-el-Arab, river, 14 
Shatt-el-Hai, river, 14, 23, 69 
Shatt-el-Kar, river, 14, 22, 24, 

Shatt-en-Nil, river, 14, 22 
Shilanum-sbuqamum, 3 king 

dyn. 6, 109 
Shimti-sbilkhak, king, 67 
Shinar, land, 76 
Shirpurla=Laga8b, 23 
Shittab, city, 41 
Shubari, land, 96 
Shum-ukin, 115 
Shuqamuna, god, 92 
Sbuqarkib, 12 king Akkad, 45 
Sburippak, city, 24 
Shnruppak, city, 18, 24 
Sburutkbu, city, 54 
Shushshi, 5 king dyn. 2, 87 
Shutruk-nanhkundi, king, Elam, 

42, 102, 103 
Shuzigash, c/. Nazibryasb, 94, 96 
Simanum, land, 54 
Simbar-shipak, 1 king dyn. 5, 108 
Slmmasb-snipak, 1 king dyn. 5, 

61, 108 
Simti-Ninni, 70 
Simnrum, land, 52, 53, 55 
Sin, moongod, 25, 58, 130, 132 
Sin-idinnam, king, Larsa, 66-68 
Sin-ikisba, 10 king Isin I., 60 
Sin-mftgir, 15 king Isin I., 60 
Sin-mnballit, 5 king dyn. 1, 61, 

65, 68, 75, 76 



Sln-ahar-ishkum, king, Assyria, 

Sippa, dyn., 108 
Sippara, city, 8, 14, 18, 21, 22, 

41-44, 46, 58, 60, 62, 64. 66, 74, 

75, 78, 79, 81, 82, 89, 99, 106- 

109, 111, 116, 117, 121, 123- 

126, 128, 130-132 
Sium, king, Gutium, 46 
Stele, 4 
Su, people, 56 
Subartu, land, 40, 79 
Sugagi, city, 96, 97 
Sukhi, people, 106, 111 
Sulili = Sumu-la-ilu, 73 
Sumer, land, 14, 18, 22, 30, 37, 

58-62, 67, 68, 70, 80, 91, 93, 97, 

102, 107, 115, 126 
Sumerians, people, 18, 19, 34, 35, 

49, 55, 65, 84 

language, 18, 19, 42 

Sumu-abu, 1 king dyn. 1, 10, 62- 

64, 71-73 
Sumu-ditana, king, Kish 3, 63 
Sumu-ilu, king, Ur, 59, 60, 66 
Sumu-la-ilu, 2 king dyn. 1, 62-65, 

71, 73, 74, 82 
Surghul, ruin, 23 
Suri, land, 66 
Susa, city, 39, 41-43, 54-56, 90, 

97, 102 
Sutu, people, 94, 106, 108, 118 
Synchronous History, 9, 90, 94- 

96, 101, 105, 106, 110, 111, 113 
Syria, land, 37, 49, 51, 61 

Taking the hands of BSl, 5 
Tammuz, 3rd month, 132 
Tashshigurumash, 6 king dyn. 3, 

Taylor, explorer, 25 
Tebet, month, 116, 117, 122 

Tell-el-Amama tablets, 95 

Tell Ibrahim =Kutha, 22 

Tell Medina, ruin, 24 

TeUoh, ruin, 23, 43-44, 48 

TeU-Sifr, 24, 66 

Tema, city, 131 

Temples, 4, 5 

Thothmea in., king, Egypt, 93 

Tidanum, mt., 48 

Tiglath-pileser I., king, Assyria, 

105, 106 
IL, king, Assyria, 114-117, 

Tigris, river, 13-15, 21, 37, 44, 

67, 69, 76, 79, 83, 98, 100, 104, 

120, 122 
Tilbari, 111 
Til-shabtani, city. 111 
Til-sha-7.abdani, city. 111 
Timat-Ellil, land, 56 
Tinu, dyn., 116 
Tishid-Bel, canal, 79 
Tsaltsallat, river, 96, 98 
Tukin-khatti-migr.'sha, 54 
Tukulti-Ashur, 100, 101 
Tukulti-Ninib I., king, Assyria, 

99, 101 

II., king, AssjTria, 111 

Tultul, city, 79 
Turukku, land, 79 
Tutu-khdgal, canal, 76 
Tyre, city, 128 

Ubara, city, 51 
Ubil-Ishtar, 44 
Ugme, potest, Lagash, 47 
Ukin-z6r, 1 king dyn. 9, 116 
Ukush, jxiiesi, Umma, 36 
Ulai, river, 104 
Ulamburiash, 92-93 
Ululai, 3 king dyn. 9, 116 
Umanu, mt., 48 



Umma, city, 18, 23, 30, 32-34, 36, 

37, 44, 46, 65 
Ummanigash, king, Elam, 124 
Undalulu, 2 king Opis, 30 
Unzi, 1 king Opis, 30 
Uperi, king, Dilmun, 119 
Upper Sea = Mediterranean, 37,49 
Ur, city, 18, 25, 33, 37, 44, 49-60, 

62, 63, 66, 67, 70, 119, 123-125, 
' 128, 131 
kings, 8, 61, 66-68, 76, 79, 


dyn., 24 

Urra-imiti, 9 king Isin 1, 10, 59 
Ur-Babbar, patesi, Lagash, 47 
Ur-Baga, 9 king, Isin, 10 
Ur-Bau, patesi, Lagash, 47, 49 
Urbillura, land, 53, 56 
Urdunpae, 56 
Ur-£, patesi, Lagash, 47 
Ur-Engur, 1 king Ur 1, 49, 50, 

Ur-Gar, patesi, Lagash, 47 
Ur-ginar, 2 king Erech 2, 45 
Uri, land, 18 
Ur-Kasdim, city, 25 
Urlumma, patesi, Umma, 33, 34 
Ur-Mama, patesi, Lagash, 47 
Ur-nigin, 1 king Erech, 2, 45 
Ur-Nina, king, Lagash, 31. 32, 34 
Ur-Ningirsu, patesi. Lagtish, 49 
Ur-Ninib, 6 king Isin 1, 69 
Ur-Ninsun, patesi, Lagash, 8 

king's son, 65 

Ur-8ag, 3 king Opw, 30 
Ur-Shamash, 6 Erech 2, 45 
Ur-Sin, 63 

Uru-Azagga, dyn., 83, 86 
Urukagina, patesi, Lagash, 36, 


Urumush, 3 king Akkad, 39, 42, 43 
Urzage, king, Kish 1, 30 
Ur-Zamama, 3 king Kish 2, 31 
Ush, patesi, Umma, 32 
Ushshi, 4 king dyn. 3, 91 
Utanapishtim, hero, 24 
Utug, patesi, Kish, 29, 30 
Uziwatar, 6 king Kish 2, 31 
Uzargashana, land, 66 

Vases, 4, 29, 30 
Votive offerings, 4 
Vulture Stele, 31, 32 

Wady Brissa, 128 
Warad-Nannar I., paten, Lagash, 

IL,'£ather-in-law, Rim-Sin, 

Warad-Sin, king, Larsa, 67, 68 
Warka, ruin, 24, 66, 67 

Xenophon, Greek author, 1 

Year-names, 4, 6, 65, 69 

Zaban, city, 102 

river, ill 

Zabdanu, 111, 112 

Zabshali, land, 64 

Zabium, 4 king dyn. 1, 74 

Zakhara, land, 44 

Zamama, god, 21, 29, 39, 62, 64, 

74, 79, 81 
Zamama-shum-iddin, 36 king 

dyn. 3, 102, 103 
Zambia, 12 king Isin 1, 60 
Zanqj, fortress, 104 
Zarkhanum, city, 82 
Zarnanit, goddess, 73, 77, 92 
Zilakum, canal, 84 
Zimudar, 4 king Kish 2. 31 
Zuzu, king, Opis, 30, 33 


^ 4 














i /^ 


— V 



1 rfrT?-rCJ^ 

\Shat f^^ .< 
/o S; / f 



e ^ 


J / 



o .— -^ 



,>:'j<^ r 

.§:/ ; 


? J / 

Wo /^ 





























Published by the Cambridge University Press under 
the general editorship of P. Giles, Litt.D., Master of 
Emmanuel College, and A. C. Seward, F.R.S., Pro- 
fessor of Botany in the University of Cambridge. 

A series of handy volumes dealing with a wide 
range of subjects and bringing the results of modem 
research and intellectual activity within the reach 
both of the student and of the ordinary reader. 


42 Ancient Assyria. By Rev. C. H. W. Johns, Litt.D. 
51 Ancient Babylonia. By Rev. C. H. W. Johns. Litt.D. 

40 A History of Civilization in Palestine. By Prof. R. A. S. 
Macalister. M.A.. F.S.A. 

78 The Peoples of India. By J. D. Anderson. M.A. 

49 China and the Manchus. By Prof. H. A. Giles. LL.D. 

79 The Evolution of New Japan. By Prof J. H. Longford. 

43 The Civilization of Ancient Mexico. By Lewis Spence. 
60 The Vikings. By Prof. Allen Mawer. M.A. 

24 New Zealand. By the Hon. Sir Robert Stout, K.C.M.G., 
LL.D., and J. Logan Stout, LL.B. (N.Z.). 

85 Military History. By the Hon. J. W. Fortescue. 

84 The Roysd Navy. By John Leyland. 

76 Naval Warfare. By J. R. Thursfield. M.A. 

15 The Ground Plan of the English Parish Church. By A. 
Hamilton Thompson, M.A., F.S.A. 


1 6 The Historiceil Growth of the Elnglish Parish Church. By 
A. Hamilton Thompson. M.A., F.S.A. 

68 Enghsh Monasteries. By A. H. Thompson. M.A., F.S.A. 
50 Brasses. By J. S. M. Ward. B.A.. F.R.Hi8t.S. 

59 Ancient Stained and Painted Glass. By F. S. Eden. 
80 A Grammar of English Heraldry. By W. H. St J. Hope. 


70 Copartnership in Industry. By C. R. Fay, M.A. 

6 Cash and Credit. By D. A. Barker. 

67 The Theory of Money. By D. A. Barker. 

86 Economics and Syndicalism. By Prof. A. W. Kirkaldy. 


8 The Early Religious Poetry of the Hebrews. By the Rev. 

E. G. King. D.D. 

21 The Early Religious Poetry of Persia. By the Rev. Prof. 

J. Hope Moulton. D.D.. D.Theol. (BerUn). 

9 The History of the English Bible. By John Brown, D.D. 
12 English Dialects from the Eighth Century to the Present 

Day. By W. W. Skeat. Litt.D.. D.C.L.. F.B.A. 

22 King Arthur in History and Legend. By Prof. W. Lewis 

Jones, M.A. 
54 The Icelandic Sagas. By W. A. Craigie. LL.D. 

23 Greek Tragedy. By J. T. Sheppard, M.A. 

33 The Ballad in Literature. By T. F. Henderson. 

37 Goethe and the Twentieth Century. By Prof. J. G. 

Robertson. M.A.. Ph.D. 
39 The Troubadours. Bv the Rev. H. J. Chaytor. M.A. 
66 Mysticism in Englisn Literature. By Miss C. F. E. 



4 The Idea of God in Elarly Religions. By Dr F. B. Jevons. 
57 Comparative Religion. By Dr F. B. Jevons. 

69 Plato : Moral and Political Ideals. By Mrs J. Adam. 

26 The Moral Life and Moral Worth. By Prof. Sorley, LittD. 
3 The English Puritans. By John Brown. D.D. 

1 1 An Historical Account of the Rise and Development of 
Presbyterianism in Scotland. By the Rt Hon. the 
Lord Balfour of Burleigh. K.T., G.C.M.G. 

41 Methodism. By Rev. H. B. Workman. D.Lit. 


38 Life in the Medieval University. By R. S. Rait. MA. 


13 The Administration of Justice in Criminsd Matters (in 
England and Wales). By G. Glover Alexander. M.A., 


1 The Coming of Evolution. By Prof. J. W. Judd. C.B., F.R.S. 

2 Heredity in the Light of Recent Research. By L. Don- 

caster, ScD. 
25 Primitive Animals. By Geoffrey Smith, M.A. 

73 The Life-story of Insects. By Prof. G. H. Carpenter. 

48 The Individual in the Animal Kingdom. By J. S. Huxley, 

27 Life in the Sea. By James Johnstone, B.Sc. 
75 Pearls. By Prof. W. J. Dakin. 

28 The Migration of Birds. By T. A. Coward. 
36 Spiders. By C. Warburton, M.A. 

61 Bees and Wasps. By O. H. Latter, M.A. 
46 House Flies. By C. G. Hew^itt, D.Sc. 

32 Earthworms and their Allies. By F. E. Beddard, F.R.S. 

74 The Flea. By H. Russell. 

64 The Wanderings of Animals. By H. F. Gadow, F.R.S. 


20 The Wanderings of Peoples. By Dr A. C. Haddon, F.R.S. 

29 Prehistoric Man. By Dr W. L. H. Duckworth. 


35 Rocks and their Origins. By Prof. Grenville A. J. Cole. 

44 The Work of Rain and Rivers. By T. G. Bonney, Sc.D. 

7 The Natural History of Coal. By Dr E. A. Newell Arber. 

30 The Natural History of Clay. By Alfred B. Searle. 

34 The Origin of Earthquakes. By C. Davison, Sc.D., F.G.S. 

62 Submerged Forests. By Clement Reid, F.R.S. 
72 The Fertility of the Soil. By E. J. Russell, D.Sc 


5 Plant-Animals: a Study in Symbiosis. By Prof. F. W. 

10 Plant-Life on Land. By Prof. F. O. Bower, Sc.D.. F.R.S. 
19 Links with the Past in the Plant- World. By Prof. A. C, 

Seward, F.R.S. 


52 The Earth. By Prof. J. H. Poynting. F.R.S. 

53 The Atmosphere. By A. J. Berry. M.A. 

81 The Sun. By Prof. R. A. Sampson. D.Sc. F.R.S. 
65 Beyond the Atom. By John Cox. M.A. 

55 The Physical Basis of Music. By A. Wood. M.A 

71 Natural Sources of Energy. By Prof. A. H. Gibson. D.Sc. 


14 An Introduction to Experimental Psychology. By Dr C. S. 

45 The Psychology of Insanity. By Bernard Hart. M.D. 
77 The Beautiful. By Vernon Lee. 


31 The Modem Locomotive. ByC. Edgar Allen. A.M.I. Mech.E. 

56 The Modem Warship. By EL L. Attwood. 

17 Aerial Locomotion. By E^ H. Harper. M.A.. and Allan 

E. Ferguson. B.Sc. 

18 Electricity in Locomotion. By A. G. Whyte. B.Sc. 

63 Wireless Telegraphy. By Prof. C. L. Fortescue. M.A. 

58 The Story of a Loaf of Bread. By Prof. T. B. Wood. MA, 

47 Brewing. By A. Chaston Chapman. F.I.C 

82 Coal-Mining. By T. C. CantriU. 

83 Leather. By Prof. H. R. Procter. 

"A very valuable series of books which combine in a very 
happy way a popular presentation of scientific truth along with the 
accuracy of treatment which in such subjects is essential.... In their 
general appearance, and in the quality of their binding, print, and 
paper, these volumes are perhaps the most satisfactory of all those 
which offer to the inquiring layman the hardly earned products of 
technical and specialist research." — Spectator 

"A complete set of these manuals is as essential to the equip* 
ment of a good school as is an encyclopaedia — We can conceive 
no better series of handy books for ready reference than those 
represented by the Cambridge Manuals." — School World 

Cambridge University Press 

C. F. Clay, Manager 

LONDON : Fetter Lane. EC. 

EDINBURGH : 100 Princes Street 


Los Angeles 
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 

FEB 14 1975 

Form L9-42m-8,'49 (65573)444 

vrv^ ™^ UBRARY 


UCLA-Geology/Geophysics Library^ 

DS 71 J62a 

il II ll [II II ll ! Ill 


L 006 566 1118 

cop. 2 



A 000 956 572 2